GEI019
PDF
Translation:
Pyr. during the year of Diognetos, the hiaromnamones being Psath. Dorimachos son of Zoilos, Ast. Menalkes son of Gorgidas, Str. Timon son of Timokles, the proboloi proarchontes being Gaps. Samon son of Samippos, Tel. Kallistratos son of Thrasymachos, Pyr. Arkeidas son of Sosippos, the prodikoi being Lak. Xenainetos son of Kleutheros, Kra. Proxenos son of Sathyon, Gag. Euthumos son of Euthumiskos, the city borrowed from the god for the contribution to the basileus from the collection of silver: 1983 talents, 4 staters, 8 litras, 1 ounce; and from the tributes (collected) by the tamiai and the phatarchoi: 17 talents, 1 stater; 333 medimnoi and a half of grain – price per medimnos: 2 staters – for a total of 111 talents, 1 stater; 333 medimnoi and a half of barley – price per medimnos: 1 stater, 6 litras and a half – for a total of 74 talents, 13 litras, 4 ounces; 189 talents, 2 staters of liquid products; (as) rental of the sacred lands according to the decree: 20 staters; (as income) of the gifts of the lands beyond the river Halex: 57 talents Total amount which the city owes to the god Pyr. during the year of Diognetos: 2452 talents, 3 staters, 1 litras, 5 ounces. Commentary:
This tablet belongs to that kind of bronze epigraphical documents which the Greeks themselves usually called χαλκώματα (cf. SEG 47 1427, ll. 6, 7, 9, 17, the late 6th/early 5th century BC law from Himera concerning the redistribution of land, on which see GEI 006; SEG 30 1117-1122, the decrees from Entella; Ι.Magnesia 45, l. 50, an early third-century decree of demos of Apollonia accepting the invitation of Magnesia on the Meander to the Leukophryena; see also the evidence listed in Guarducci 1959-1960, 241 n. 5) or, as in tabs. no. 4, 28, 32 of the Lokrian archive, χαλκός (cf. also IG IX 1, 682, l. 11, a fourth-century decree from Kerkyra).
Being part of a homogeneous archive, the Lokrian tablets from the Olympieion represent a unicum among the type of documents they belong to, i.e. the documents on the public finances of the Greek cities. They record internal administrative acts of the Lokrian sanctuary of Zeus Olympios concerning financial matters, and in particular they provide essential information about the annual reporting on debt ratios between the city of Lokroi Epizephyrioi and its sanctuary. Tablet 23 gives an account of the loan that the city borrowed from the god during the year of Diognetos, specifying in a very detailed way the purpose of the loan and the sources of withdrawal. Therefore, what makes the Lokrian tablets such an outstanding piece of historical evidence is the light they shed on the internal mechanisms of the city’s financial management in relation to the sanctuary, which functioned as an inner credit institution of the city (for a thorough analysis, supplied with good comparisons, see Migeotte 1992, 151-160; see also Id. 1988 and 2014, 214-216, in particular with reference to the concept of ‘inner loan’). In 2006 Kritzas published a preliminary study (Kritzas 2006) on a still unpublished new set of 134 archival documents from the Argive sanctuary of Athena, which could be a potential interesting touchstone for the Lokrian archive.
Two sets of problems concern the tablet. The first one includes general economic and legal issues, which arise by putting Tab. 23 in its broader context. The economic issues are related to the ponderal and metrological system, whereas the legal ones concern the typology of these documents, the process of editing, and the issue of their archiving: in a word, their legal status. The second set includes specific questions related to Tablet 23 and to others among the set, such as the identity of the βασιλεὺς and the nature of his συντέλεια (l. 6); the financial role of the ταμίαι and the φάταρχοι (l. 7); the identification of the sources of withdrawal, in particular the last two, i.e. the ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα and the δωρεᾶν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος (ll. 10-11).
Let us begin from the ponderal system (on which see De Franciscis 1972, 64-65, 109 ff.; Parise 1979, 197-8; Id. 1993, 271-275; and more recently Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260). The ponderal system we came to know from the Lokrian tablets was based on a silver litra and on a talent almost equivalent to the Σικελικὸν τάλαντον, commonly used in Syracuse since the reign of Dionysius I. In fact, they were both ‘little’, that is to say, they followed a different system of subdivision and a much inferior range of values if we compare them to the ‘great’ talent, which contained 60 minae and 6000 drachmae (see Mattingly 1943, 14-16). The only difference was that the Sicilian talent (at least from a specific time) contained 12 nomoi and the nomos 10 litrae (cf. Arist. frr. 510, 589 Rose; see Consolo Langher 1963, 388-436 and Ead. 1990, 5-12; and more recently Erdas 2012, 298-303).
It is no surprise that the Lokrian ponderal system was similar to the Sicilian one. It is highly possible that the latter was brought over to Lokroi thanks to the close familiar and political relationships that linked Dionysius I and his offspring with the leading Lokrian aristocracy (Dionysius I indeed married a Lokrian aristocrat in 398 BC: cf. Arist. Pol. 1307a 37-40 and see Del Monaco 2000, 164 and Id. 2010a, 418-419; for the military and political support the Syracusan tyrant gave to Lokroi see Musti 1977, 96-102). At that time, Lokroi was a city without its own currency: no coinage was minted there until the second half of the fourth century. Most of this chronology is highly conjectural. In fact, the mint of Lokroi almost concurrently struck (1) Corinthian standard pegasi designed to conform with the currency of eastern Sicily (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2336-2342; Pozzi Paolini 1979, 231 dated them somewhere between 344 and 304 BC, while Kraay 1973, 2130-2133 preferred a later beginning, ca. 330 BC; this traditional chronology has been recently challenged by Filocamo 2009/2012 and Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, who suggest postdating the terminus ante quam almost to the end of the Agathoklean era, 289 BC); (2) a number of issues with local types on the Achaean standard for circulation in southern Italy (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2310-2328; Pozzi Paolini 1977, 241 ff. dated them 344-285 BC, until a significant reduction in weight, from 7.7/7,4 to 6,7 g, occurred). However, even after that, the tablets show that the sanctuary never expressed silver amounts in terms of coinage, probably because the monetary system, with the issues on the Achaean standard, branched off from the ponderal system which the sanctuary continued to refer to. Thus, as Parise 1993, 274 pointed out, the weight units adopted by the city mint and the sanctuary might have become different. Moreover, it might have been useful to express the values of other metals on the silver scale: it allowed the restitution of the same amount of metal or of the corresponding amount in a different kind of metal (Parise 1979, 201; see more recently Costabile 2007, 253-254 and Del Monaco 2010a, 419-424).
A recent study by Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260 shows a particularly strong metrological link between Lokroi and Syracuse during the Agathoklean age. Assuming a ratio of 2.45 between the Syracusan talent and the Lokrian one at that time, each sum concerning the συντέλεια turns out to be a round number if converted in Syracusan talents. Therefore, the following scenario can be imagined: once the command to contribute came from Syracuse, the Lokrians performed the conversion and withdrew from the sanctuary the correspondent amount of non-minted silver. As a consequence, the two scholars believe the six tablets mentioning the βασιλεύς should be ascribed to Agathokles (see the discussion below).
As far as the capacity serving measures are concerned, we possess scanty evidences. The medimnos, with its subdivisions, is the only measure employed in our documents. With regards to Tablet 23, some problems arise with the genitive form ͱημικτέος (ll. 8-9). This hapax was interpreted by De Franciscis 1972, 116 as a way to indicate half a medimnos, even though its etymology seems to match with that of ἡμιεκτέον, ἡμίεκτον, ἡμικταῖον = half a hekteus (that is to say one-twelfth a medimnos; cf. LSJ s.v.). However, it should be said that this unusual use of the term is all the more odd as we know that the contracted form ἡμέδιμνον is attested in Lokroi in the third century bc (cf. Arangio Ruiz and Olivieri 1965, no. 25, l. 6, the so-called ‘defixio Melitae’: σὺν ἡμεδίμνω[ι λιβά]νω).
Focusing on the institutional features and legal features of the tablets (on which see especially Costabile 1992b, 114-123 and Id. 2007, 263-276; Antonetti 1995, 358-361; Boffo 2003, 66-67) it is likely that Tab. 23, though not explicitly mentioned, was edited under the supervision of the ἱαρομνάμονες ἐπὶ θησαυρῶι, civic officers appointed to the management of the treasure of the god (see Costabile 1992b, 122; on the ἱαρομνάμονες see Lewis 1970, 248-249, Musti 1974, 13-19, Costabile 1992e, 216-218), in accordance with a decree of the council and of the people. Such an editing procedure is recorded by Tabs. 4, 5, 32 and can be applied to Tablet 23. However, the carving of the bronze tablet was the last step of the process. In fact, a few formal and legal features, such as the coronis (Tab. 23; see s.v. layout), the letters preceding the name of the officers (on the meaning of which see Pugliese Caratelli 1965/1966, 213; Fuda 1992, 208-209; Antonetti 1995, 356-358; Del Monaco 2018, 73-82), the initials of some civic officers at the bottom of the documents (Tabs. 15, 26) make scholars think that a more detailed book entry possibly existed, with registered accounts for the preceding years certified (see Costabile 1992b, 120-121 and Boffo 2003, 67; as Boffo 1995, 123 pointed out, an analogous situation may be described by an inscription from Paros, edited by Lambrinudakis and Wörrle 1983, concerning the inscribing on bronze of archival documents).
That raises some problems on the legal nature of the tablets. Being extracts from decrees, the majority of the tablets (with the exception of Tabs. 4, 5, 32) were not the debtor’s declaration (i.e. the polis). Thus they cannot be placed on the same footing either with Hellenistic syngraphai and chirographa (on which see Paoli 1959, 211 ff.; Castresana Herrero 1987, 362 ff.; Amelotti and Migliardi Zingale 1988, 129 ff.) or with documents recording private loans (such as the fifth century lead tablets from Korkyra, on which see Calligas 1971 and Velissaropoulos 1982, 81 ff.). However, there should be no doubt that the tablets were legal documents (see Costabile 1992b, 121), probably symbola of the loans (see Antonetti 1995, 359; on the legal value of the term symbolon see Gauthier 1972). Their purpose was to establish the entity, the timing and the reason of the loan, and, at the same time, to establish the accountability of the officers.
We do not know where exactly the tablets were stored; in fact, the stone case where they were discovered was not probably intended to be their original location considering its weight, its complex system of opening and the material found inside it (mostly gold and silver coins, now lost; cf. Giner 1992, 15 ff., Costabile 1992a, 29 and Id. 1992b, 107, stressing the fact that the objects stored in the case might have been put there due to a climate of insecurity, so as to save them). The most plausible view is that they might have been temporarily exhibited in public, possibly fixed on some support (to this conclusion the little holes on the edges of Tab. 26 might point), and then stored somewhere in the sanctuary where at least officers would have been able to consult them (cf. Costabile 1992b, 123).
As to the identity of the βασιλεύς, two opposite views have been expressed on the matter. On the one hand, some scholars interpret the βασιλεύς as a civic officer in charge of the financial administration, similar to the Lokrian Opuntian βασιλεύς (cf. Arist. Pol. 3.1287a 2-3; see especially Costabile 1980, Id. 1992c, 139-50, Id. 2007, 277-299; see also Landi 1979, 241-242, stressing the religious background of this officer); on the other, the majority of scholars believe that the term refers to a Hellenistic king, it may be Pyrrus (as De Franciscis 1972, 75 ff. argued, followed by Van Compernolle 1992, 135-136 and Migeotte 1992, 151-160); or Agathokles, as suggested by Blomqvist 1979, 75-76, Parise 1979, 204, Stazio 1979, 233 and, recently, with strong numismatic and metrological evidences, Castrizio, Filocamo 2014, in particular 249-254, on which see above; or Dionysius II (see D'Angelo 2001). The question still stands (see Musti 1979a, 213-215 and Antonetti 1995, 363).
Yet the importance of βασιλεὺς’ identity is straightforward for our understanding of the συντέλεια (Tabs. 1, 13, 23, 31), i.e. the contribution which the city gave to him: if we suppose that the βασιλεὺς was a civic officer, then it could label a joint contribution for public burdens (cf. Dem. 18.237); otherwise, the term could hint at a form of dependency which signalled a variable degree of economic subjugation (cf. Plut. Arat. 54.5; usually the word is used in this sense for membership of federal bodies: cf. Diod. 15.38.4; Hell. Oxy. 19.3 talking about the Boeotian federation; and Paus. 7.11.3, in connection to the Achaean League; cf. RE(- - -) and BNP(- - -) s.v. συντέλεια).
The next two figures we come across in the tablet are the ταμίαι and the φάταρχοι (l. 7). Both these officers are concerned with financial duties (for the military function of the φάταρχοι, probably connected with the πυργοποιία attested in Tab. 16, see Musti 1979a, 210-211; for the their constitutional relevance see Musti 1977, 104, 120; Costabile 1992e, 210-213; Del Monaco 2010b, 463). The φάταρχοι are usually responsible for collecting the loans which the sanctuary grants to the city; nevertheless, in Tablet 23 they collect tributes necessary to the granting of the loan itself. Two different explanations might be given regarding their collective role. On the one hand, they might have collected the recorded amounts in order to deposit them in the sanctuary; on the other one, it is possible that the φάταρχοι directly collect the tribute addressed to the sanctuary, depositing it in the form of a loan in the public treasury of the φατάρχιον (mentioned in Tabs. 16 and 19; cf. Musti 1974, 16-19, Id. 1987, 92-101, Costabile 1992c, 146-148). As far as the ταμίαι are concerned, they make their appearance only in Tab. 23. De Franciscis 1972, 150 describes them as accounting officers of the sanctuary, who probably assisted the φάταρχοι with control purposes.
Focusing on the ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα (l. 10), nowadays scholars unanimously accept the view held by Gigante 1979, 44 ff., who convincingly interprets the expression as ‘the rental (coming from) the sacred lands’, implying the genitive γᾶν before ͱιαρᾶν; this reading is backed up by strong literary and epigraphic parallels (in particular see the tablets from Heraklea: IGSI 645, I, ll. 95 ff.). For a review of the previous interpretations see L. Del Monaco, I.Locri, 76-77.
The final issue concerns the identification of the last source of withdrawal quoted in the tablet and the nature of its income. The text runs as follows: ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝΕΠΙΤΗΝΑΤΩͰΑΛΗΚΟΣ (l. 11). Resting on more solid ground, Musti’s reading, δωρεὰν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος, must be preferred (ἐπίτηνα = ἐπέκεινα, ‘beyond the river Halex’; see Musti 1974, 6-7 and Gigante 1979, 43-44; contra De Franciscis 1972, 37, 44-45 and Manganaro 1977, 1340, who read δωρεὰν τὰν ἐπὶ Τῆνα τῶ ͱάληκος, ‘the offering related to the sanctuary of Zeus near the river Halex’; however, the existence of another minor sanctuary of Zeus, somehow connected to the Olympieion, is not historically, grammatically and linguistically acceptable: see Musti 1974, 6; Blomqvist 1978, 18). As far as ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝ is concerned, their interpretation as rental contributions coming from one or more δωρεά, in the sense of ‘land donated’ to the sanctuary and located ‘beyond the river Halex’, ought to be preferred (see the persuasive legal and historical arguments pointed out by Costabile 1992d, 164-166).
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Velissaropoulos, J. (1982), 'Les symbola d’affaires. Remarques sur les tablettes archaïque de l’île de Corfou', in J. Modrzejewski and D. Liebs (eds.), Symposion 1977. Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Chantilly, 1.-4. June 1977), Wien-Köln, 71-84 Author: Flavio Santini
Last update: January 2019 DOI: 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI019
Lokroi Epizephyrioi. Tablet from the archive of the Olympieion
Πυρ. ἐπὶ Διογνήτω 
ἱαρομναμονεόντων 
Ψαθ. Δωριμάχω Ζωίλω,
Αστ. Μενάλκεος Γοργίδα, Στρ. Τίμων Τιμοκλέος, προβώλων
προαρχόντων Γαψ. Σάμωνος Σαμίππω, Τηλ. Καλλίστρατος
Θρασυμάχω, Πυρ. Ἀρκείδα Σωσίππω, προδικεόντων Λακ. <Ξ>εναινέτω
5Κλευθήρω, Κρα. Προξένω Σαθύωνος Γαγ. Εὐθύμω Εὐθυμίσκω, ἁ πόλις ἐχρ-
ήσατο πὰρ τῶ θεῶ βασιλεῖ ἐν τὰν συντέλε<ι>αν ἀπὸ τῶ ἀγυρθμῶ ἀργυρίω
ΤΤΤ ΣΣΣΣ 
ΛΛΛ 
, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τελέων πὰρ ταμιᾶν καὶ φατάρχων 
ΤΤ Σ
πυρῶν μεδίμνων ΗΗΗ
ͱημικτέος τιμὰ τῶ μεδίμνω ΣΣ, παντὸς <>Τ Σ
κριθᾶν· μεδίμνων ΗΗΗ ͱημικτέος τιμὰ τῶ μεδίμνω Σ Λ
<>, παντὸς
10ΤΤΤΤ ΔΛΛΛ , (vac. ) ͱυγρῶν καρπῶν ΤΤΤΤ ΣΣΣΣ ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα
κὰτ τὸ δόγμα, δωρεᾶν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος ΤΤ. κεφ(άλωμα) τῶν ἁ πόλις
ὀφήλει τῶι θεῶι Πυρ. ἐπὶ ΔιογνήτωΤΤ <ΣΣΣ> Λ (vac. )
ἱαρομναμονεόντων Ψαθ. Δωριμάχω Ζωίλω,Αστ. Μενάλκεος Γοργίδα, Στρ. Τίμων Τιμοκλέος, προβώλων
προαρχόντων Γαψ. Σάμωνος Σαμίππω, Τηλ.
Καλλίστρατος Θρασυμάχω, Πυρ. Ἀρκείδα
Σωσίππω, προδικεόντων Λακ. <Ξ>εναινέτω 5Κλευθήρω, Κρα.
Προξένω Σαθύωνος Γαγ. Εὐθύμω Εὐθυμίσκω, ἁ πόλις ἐχρ-ήσατο πὰρ τῶ θεῶ βασιλεῖ
ἐν τὰν συντέλε<ι>αν ἀπὸ τῶ ἀγυρθμῶ ἀργυρίω ΤΤΤ ΣΣΣΣ ΛΛΛ , καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν τελέων πὰρ ταμιᾶν καὶ φατάρχων ΤΤ Σ πυρῶν μεδίμνων ΗΗΗ
ͱημικτέος τιμὰ τῶ μεδίμνω ΣΣ, παντὸς <>Τ Σ κριθᾶν· μεδίμνων
ΗΗΗ ͱημικτέος τιμὰ τῶ μεδίμνω Σ Λ <>, παντὸς 10
ΤΤΤΤ ΔΛΛΛ , (vac. ) ͱυγρῶν καρπῶν ΤΤΤΤ ΣΣΣΣ ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα κὰτ τὸ δόγμα
, δωρεᾶν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος ΤΤ. κεφ(άλωμα) τῶν ἁ πόλις ὀφήλει τῶι θεῶι Πυρ. ἐπὶ Διογνήτω
ΤΤ <ΣΣΣ> Λ (vac. ) Apparatus criticus: l. 4: <Ξ>εναινέτω corr. by De Franciscis l. 6: ἀγυρθμῶ tab., Costabile, Del Monaco : ἀγυρομῶ corr. by De Franciscis, followed by Landi, Blomqvist, Parise, Gigante l. 7: ΛΛΛ s.l. l. 8: <> corr. by De Franciscis l. 9: <> suppl. by De Franciscis l. 11: δωρεᾶν τᾶν read Costabile, Blomqvist, Gigante, Del Monaco : δωρεὰν τὰν De Franciscis : δωρεὰν τᾶν Musti, Landi ἐπίτηνα Musti, Blomqvist, Gigante, Costabile, Del Monaco : ἐπὶ Τῆνα De Franciscis l. 12: <ΣΣΣ> suppl. by De Franciscis
Pyr. during the year of Diognetos, the hiaromnamones being Psath. Dorimachos son of Zoilos, Ast. Menalkes son of Gorgidas, Str. Timon son of Timokles, the proboloi proarchontes being Gaps. Samon son of Samippos, Tel. Kallistratos son of Thrasymachos, Pyr. Arkeidas son of Sosippos, the prodikoi being Lak. Xenainetos son of Kleutheros, Kra. Proxenos son of Sathyon, Gag. Euthumos son of Euthumiskos, the city borrowed from the god for the contribution to the basileus from the collection of silver: 1983 talents, 4 staters, 8 litras, 1 ounce; and from the tributes (collected) by the tamiai and the phatarchoi: 17 talents, 1 stater; 333 medimnoi and a half of grain – price per medimnos: 2 staters – for a total of 111 talents, 1 stater; 333 medimnoi and a half of barley – price per medimnos: 1 stater, 6 litras and a half – for a total of 74 talents, 13 litras, 4 ounces; 189 talents, 2 staters of liquid products; (as) rental of the sacred lands according to the decree: 20 staters; (as income) of the gifts of the lands beyond the river Halex: 57 talents Total amount which the city owes to the god Pyr. during the year of Diognetos: 2452 talents, 3 staters, 1 litras, 5 ounces. Commentary:
This tablet belongs to that kind of bronze epigraphical documents which the Greeks themselves usually called χαλκώματα (cf. SEG 47 1427, ll. 6, 7, 9, 17, the late 6th/early 5th century BC law from Himera concerning the redistribution of land, on which see GEI 006; SEG 30 1117-1122, the decrees from Entella; Ι.Magnesia 45, l. 50, an early third-century decree of demos of Apollonia accepting the invitation of Magnesia on the Meander to the Leukophryena; see also the evidence listed in Guarducci 1959-1960, 241 n. 5) or, as in tabs. no. 4, 28, 32 of the Lokrian archive, χαλκός (cf. also IG IX 1, 682, l. 11, a fourth-century decree from Kerkyra).
Being part of a homogeneous archive, the Lokrian tablets from the Olympieion represent a unicum among the type of documents they belong to, i.e. the documents on the public finances of the Greek cities. They record internal administrative acts of the Lokrian sanctuary of Zeus Olympios concerning financial matters, and in particular they provide essential information about the annual reporting on debt ratios between the city of Lokroi Epizephyrioi and its sanctuary. Tablet 23 gives an account of the loan that the city borrowed from the god during the year of Diognetos, specifying in a very detailed way the purpose of the loan and the sources of withdrawal. Therefore, what makes the Lokrian tablets such an outstanding piece of historical evidence is the light they shed on the internal mechanisms of the city’s financial management in relation to the sanctuary, which functioned as an inner credit institution of the city (for a thorough analysis, supplied with good comparisons, see Migeotte 1992, 151-160; see also Id. 1988 and 2014, 214-216, in particular with reference to the concept of ‘inner loan’). In 2006 Kritzas published a preliminary study (Kritzas 2006) on a still unpublished new set of 134 archival documents from the Argive sanctuary of Athena, which could be a potential interesting touchstone for the Lokrian archive.
Two sets of problems concern the tablet. The first one includes general economic and legal issues, which arise by putting Tab. 23 in its broader context. The economic issues are related to the ponderal and metrological system, whereas the legal ones concern the typology of these documents, the process of editing, and the issue of their archiving: in a word, their legal status. The second set includes specific questions related to Tablet 23 and to others among the set, such as the identity of the βασιλεὺς and the nature of his συντέλεια (l. 6); the financial role of the ταμίαι and the φάταρχοι (l. 7); the identification of the sources of withdrawal, in particular the last two, i.e. the ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα and the δωρεᾶν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος (ll. 10-11).
Let us begin from the ponderal system (on which see De Franciscis 1972, 64-65, 109 ff.; Parise 1979, 197-8; Id. 1993, 271-275; and more recently Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260). The ponderal system we came to know from the Lokrian tablets was based on a silver litra and on a talent almost equivalent to the Σικελικὸν τάλαντον, commonly used in Syracuse since the reign of Dionysius I. In fact, they were both ‘little’, that is to say, they followed a different system of subdivision and a much inferior range of values if we compare them to the ‘great’ talent, which contained 60 minae and 6000 drachmae (see Mattingly 1943, 14-16). The only difference was that the Sicilian talent (at least from a specific time) contained 12 nomoi and the nomos 10 litrae (cf. Arist. frr. 510, 589 Rose; see Consolo Langher 1963, 388-436 and Ead. 1990, 5-12; and more recently Erdas 2012, 298-303).
It is no surprise that the Lokrian ponderal system was similar to the Sicilian one. It is highly possible that the latter was brought over to Lokroi thanks to the close familiar and political relationships that linked Dionysius I and his offspring with the leading Lokrian aristocracy (Dionysius I indeed married a Lokrian aristocrat in 398 BC: cf. Arist. Pol. 1307a 37-40 and see Del Monaco 2000, 164 and Id. 2010a, 418-419; for the military and political support the Syracusan tyrant gave to Lokroi see Musti 1977, 96-102). At that time, Lokroi was a city without its own currency: no coinage was minted there until the second half of the fourth century. Most of this chronology is highly conjectural. In fact, the mint of Lokroi almost concurrently struck (1) Corinthian standard pegasi designed to conform with the currency of eastern Sicily (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2336-2342; Pozzi Paolini 1979, 231 dated them somewhere between 344 and 304 BC, while Kraay 1973, 2130-2133 preferred a later beginning, ca. 330 BC; this traditional chronology has been recently challenged by Filocamo 2009/2012 and Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, who suggest postdating the terminus ante quam almost to the end of the Agathoklean era, 289 BC); (2) a number of issues with local types on the Achaean standard for circulation in southern Italy (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2310-2328; Pozzi Paolini 1977, 241 ff. dated them 344-285 BC, until a significant reduction in weight, from 7.7/7,4 to 6,7 g, occurred). However, even after that, the tablets show that the sanctuary never expressed silver amounts in terms of coinage, probably because the monetary system, with the issues on the Achaean standard, branched off from the ponderal system which the sanctuary continued to refer to. Thus, as Parise 1993, 274 pointed out, the weight units adopted by the city mint and the sanctuary might have become different. Moreover, it might have been useful to express the values of other metals on the silver scale: it allowed the restitution of the same amount of metal or of the corresponding amount in a different kind of metal (Parise 1979, 201; see more recently Costabile 2007, 253-254 and Del Monaco 2010a, 419-424).
A recent study by Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260 shows a particularly strong metrological link between Lokroi and Syracuse during the Agathoklean age. Assuming a ratio of 2.45 between the Syracusan talent and the Lokrian one at that time, each sum concerning the συντέλεια turns out to be a round number if converted in Syracusan talents. Therefore, the following scenario can be imagined: once the command to contribute came from Syracuse, the Lokrians performed the conversion and withdrew from the sanctuary the correspondent amount of non-minted silver. As a consequence, the two scholars believe the six tablets mentioning the βασιλεύς should be ascribed to Agathokles (see the discussion below).
As far as the capacity serving measures are concerned, we possess scanty evidences. The medimnos, with its subdivisions, is the only measure employed in our documents. With regards to Tablet 23, some problems arise with the genitive form ͱημικτέος (ll. 8-9). This hapax was interpreted by De Franciscis 1972, 116 as a way to indicate half a medimnos, even though its etymology seems to match with that of ἡμιεκτέον, ἡμίεκτον, ἡμικταῖον = half a hekteus (that is to say one-twelfth a medimnos; cf. LSJ s.v.). However, it should be said that this unusual use of the term is all the more odd as we know that the contracted form ἡμέδιμνον is attested in Lokroi in the third century bc (cf. Arangio Ruiz and Olivieri 1965, no. 25, l. 6, the so-called ‘defixio Melitae’: σὺν ἡμεδίμνω[ι λιβά]νω).
Focusing on the institutional features and legal features of the tablets (on which see especially Costabile 1992b, 114-123 and Id. 2007, 263-276; Antonetti 1995, 358-361; Boffo 2003, 66-67) it is likely that Tab. 23, though not explicitly mentioned, was edited under the supervision of the ἱαρομνάμονες ἐπὶ θησαυρῶι, civic officers appointed to the management of the treasure of the god (see Costabile 1992b, 122; on the ἱαρομνάμονες see Lewis 1970, 248-249, Musti 1974, 13-19, Costabile 1992e, 216-218), in accordance with a decree of the council and of the people. Such an editing procedure is recorded by Tabs. 4, 5, 32 and can be applied to Tablet 23. However, the carving of the bronze tablet was the last step of the process. In fact, a few formal and legal features, such as the coronis (Tab. 23; see s.v. layout), the letters preceding the name of the officers (on the meaning of which see Pugliese Caratelli 1965/1966, 213; Fuda 1992, 208-209; Antonetti 1995, 356-358; Del Monaco 2018, 73-82), the initials of some civic officers at the bottom of the documents (Tabs. 15, 26) make scholars think that a more detailed book entry possibly existed, with registered accounts for the preceding years certified (see Costabile 1992b, 120-121 and Boffo 2003, 67; as Boffo 1995, 123 pointed out, an analogous situation may be described by an inscription from Paros, edited by Lambrinudakis and Wörrle 1983, concerning the inscribing on bronze of archival documents).
That raises some problems on the legal nature of the tablets. Being extracts from decrees, the majority of the tablets (with the exception of Tabs. 4, 5, 32) were not the debtor’s declaration (i.e. the polis). Thus they cannot be placed on the same footing either with Hellenistic syngraphai and chirographa (on which see Paoli 1959, 211 ff.; Castresana Herrero 1987, 362 ff.; Amelotti and Migliardi Zingale 1988, 129 ff.) or with documents recording private loans (such as the fifth century lead tablets from Korkyra, on which see Calligas 1971 and Velissaropoulos 1982, 81 ff.). However, there should be no doubt that the tablets were legal documents (see Costabile 1992b, 121), probably symbola of the loans (see Antonetti 1995, 359; on the legal value of the term symbolon see Gauthier 1972). Their purpose was to establish the entity, the timing and the reason of the loan, and, at the same time, to establish the accountability of the officers.
We do not know where exactly the tablets were stored; in fact, the stone case where they were discovered was not probably intended to be their original location considering its weight, its complex system of opening and the material found inside it (mostly gold and silver coins, now lost; cf. Giner 1992, 15 ff., Costabile 1992a, 29 and Id. 1992b, 107, stressing the fact that the objects stored in the case might have been put there due to a climate of insecurity, so as to save them). The most plausible view is that they might have been temporarily exhibited in public, possibly fixed on some support (to this conclusion the little holes on the edges of Tab. 26 might point), and then stored somewhere in the sanctuary where at least officers would have been able to consult them (cf. Costabile 1992b, 123).
As to the identity of the βασιλεύς, two opposite views have been expressed on the matter. On the one hand, some scholars interpret the βασιλεύς as a civic officer in charge of the financial administration, similar to the Lokrian Opuntian βασιλεύς (cf. Arist. Pol. 3.1287a 2-3; see especially Costabile 1980, Id. 1992c, 139-50, Id. 2007, 277-299; see also Landi 1979, 241-242, stressing the religious background of this officer); on the other, the majority of scholars believe that the term refers to a Hellenistic king, it may be Pyrrus (as De Franciscis 1972, 75 ff. argued, followed by Van Compernolle 1992, 135-136 and Migeotte 1992, 151-160); or Agathokles, as suggested by Blomqvist 1979, 75-76, Parise 1979, 204, Stazio 1979, 233 and, recently, with strong numismatic and metrological evidences, Castrizio, Filocamo 2014, in particular 249-254, on which see above; or Dionysius II (see D'Angelo 2001). The question still stands (see Musti 1979a, 213-215 and Antonetti 1995, 363).
Yet the importance of βασιλεὺς’ identity is straightforward for our understanding of the συντέλεια (Tabs. 1, 13, 23, 31), i.e. the contribution which the city gave to him: if we suppose that the βασιλεὺς was a civic officer, then it could label a joint contribution for public burdens (cf. Dem. 18.237); otherwise, the term could hint at a form of dependency which signalled a variable degree of economic subjugation (cf. Plut. Arat. 54.5; usually the word is used in this sense for membership of federal bodies: cf. Diod. 15.38.4; Hell. Oxy. 19.3 talking about the Boeotian federation; and Paus. 7.11.3, in connection to the Achaean League; cf. RE(- - -) and BNP(- - -) s.v. συντέλεια).
The next two figures we come across in the tablet are the ταμίαι and the φάταρχοι (l. 7). Both these officers are concerned with financial duties (for the military function of the φάταρχοι, probably connected with the πυργοποιία attested in Tab. 16, see Musti 1979a, 210-211; for the their constitutional relevance see Musti 1977, 104, 120; Costabile 1992e, 210-213; Del Monaco 2010b, 463). The φάταρχοι are usually responsible for collecting the loans which the sanctuary grants to the city; nevertheless, in Tablet 23 they collect tributes necessary to the granting of the loan itself. Two different explanations might be given regarding their collective role. On the one hand, they might have collected the recorded amounts in order to deposit them in the sanctuary; on the other one, it is possible that the φάταρχοι directly collect the tribute addressed to the sanctuary, depositing it in the form of a loan in the public treasury of the φατάρχιον (mentioned in Tabs. 16 and 19; cf. Musti 1974, 16-19, Id. 1987, 92-101, Costabile 1992c, 146-148). As far as the ταμίαι are concerned, they make their appearance only in Tab. 23. De Franciscis 1972, 150 describes them as accounting officers of the sanctuary, who probably assisted the φάταρχοι with control purposes.
Focusing on the ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα (l. 10), nowadays scholars unanimously accept the view held by Gigante 1979, 44 ff., who convincingly interprets the expression as ‘the rental (coming from) the sacred lands’, implying the genitive γᾶν before ͱιαρᾶν; this reading is backed up by strong literary and epigraphic parallels (in particular see the tablets from Heraklea: IGSI 645, I, ll. 95 ff.). For a review of the previous interpretations see L. Del Monaco, I.Locri, 76-77.
The final issue concerns the identification of the last source of withdrawal quoted in the tablet and the nature of its income. The text runs as follows: ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝΕΠΙΤΗΝΑΤΩͰΑΛΗΚΟΣ (l. 11). Resting on more solid ground, Musti’s reading, δωρεὰν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος, must be preferred (ἐπίτηνα = ἐπέκεινα, ‘beyond the river Halex’; see Musti 1974, 6-7 and Gigante 1979, 43-44; contra De Franciscis 1972, 37, 44-45 and Manganaro 1977, 1340, who read δωρεὰν τὰν ἐπὶ Τῆνα τῶ ͱάληκος, ‘the offering related to the sanctuary of Zeus near the river Halex’; however, the existence of another minor sanctuary of Zeus, somehow connected to the Olympieion, is not historically, grammatically and linguistically acceptable: see Musti 1974, 6; Blomqvist 1978, 18). As far as ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝ is concerned, their interpretation as rental contributions coming from one or more δωρεά, in the sense of ‘land donated’ to the sanctuary and located ‘beyond the river Halex’, ought to be preferred (see the persuasive legal and historical arguments pointed out by Costabile 1992d, 164-166).
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Last update: January 2019 DOI: 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI019
TM Number:
682015
Author: Flavio Santini
Last Update: January 2019
DOI: 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI019
1<?xml version='1.0' encoding='UTF-8'?> 2<?oxygen RNGSchema='http://www.stoa.org/epidoc/schema/latest/tei-epidoc.rng' type='xml'?> 3<TEI xmlns='http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0' xml:lang='en'> 4 <teiHeader> 5 <fileDesc> 6 <titleStmt> 7 <title>Lokroi Epizephyrioi. Tablet from the archive of the Olympieion</title> 8 <editor>Donatella Erdas</editor> 9 <editor>Anna Magnetto</editor> 10 </titleStmt> 11 <publicationStmt> 12 <authority>Laboratory of Computer Sciences for Ancient Languages, Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa</authority> 13 <idno type='filename'>GEI019</idno> 14 <availability><p>for internal use only</p></availability> 15 </publicationStmt> 16 <sourceDesc> 17 <ab>Aimed for 18 <bibl xml:id='ErdMagCS'><author>D. Erdas</author>, <author>A. Magnetto</author>, 19 <title>Corpus delle iscrizioni economiche greche</title> in c.s.</bibl>; 20 this version born digital</ab> 21 <ab> 22 <msDesc> 23 <msIdentifier/> 24 <physDesc> 25 <objectDesc> 26 <supportDesc> 27 <support> 28 <p>rectangular <material>bronze</material> 29 <objectType>tablet</objectType> perfectly preserved (dimensions: <dimensions> 30 <width unit='cm'>39</width> 31 <height unit='cm'>14</height> 32 <depth atLeast='0.3' atMost='0.4' unit='cm' 33 >0.3-0.4</depth> 34 </dimensions>), found with another 36 similar documents 35 (and not 38, as Del Monaco 1997 convincingly showed) in 36 a stone case near the Olympieion of <placeName>Lokroi 37 Epizephyrioi</placeName>.</p> 38 </support> 39 </supportDesc> 40 <layoutDesc> 41 <layout>the writing runs left to right. A <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>coronis</foreign> is engraved in the left margin of ll. 2-6. 42 As a result, the body of the text shifts to the right, clearly showing that the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>coronis</foreign> 43 was engraved before the text. This epigraphical <foreign xml:lang='la'>unicum</foreign> has been compared to 44 the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>coronis</foreign> of the fourth century <persName>Timoteus</persName> <foreign xml:lang='la'>papyrus</foreign> 45 (p.berol. inv. 9875; see Gigante 1992, 104-5, who provides further later examples from papyri; see also Del Monaco 1991/1992, 91-93). 46 Leaning on these literary comparisons, Gigante 1979, 37-59 himself describes the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>coronis</foreign> as the oldest 47 known mark of a minor section within a prose work. However, this interpretation has found no support among scholars, since the bronze 48 tablets are not a historical work, as Gigante instead claims (a propos see in particular Costabile’s 1992b, 318-9 n. 40 considerations). 49 A more acceptable view was taken by Costabile 1992b, 120, who suggests the coronis was a punctuation marker which notified the end of 50 an administrative cycle or of a financial year; the presence of the coronis may also imply the existence of original exemplars possibly 51 made of perishable items (i.e. papyrus or wood; see ibid. 103, 106 and Boffo 1995, 122; see the commentary below)</layout> 52 </layoutDesc> 53 </objectDesc> 54 <handDesc> 55 <handNote>Letters h: 56 <height unit='cm'>0.5-1 cm.</height> 57 Lokrian alphabet (with red <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>chi</foreign>). The aspiration mark is partially omitted (ll. 1, 5, 12). For the palaeographical 58 features see L. Del Monaco, <title>I.Locri</title> 23-24.</handNote> 59 </handDesc> 60 </physDesc> 61 <history> 62 <origin> 63 <ab><origPlace><placeName>Lokroi Epizephyrioi</placeName>, the financial archive of the Olympieion</origPlace></ab> 64 <ab><origDate notBefore='-0350' notAfter='-0250' precision='low'>350-250 BC</origDate></ab> 65 </origin> 66 <provenance> 67 <listEvent> 68 <event type='found'> 69 <p><placeName>Lokroi Epizephyrioi</placeName>; found the 23rd December 1958 near the so-called ‘Marafioti’ temple in the acropolis 70 (the temple was identified with that of Zeus Olympios by De Franciscis 1972, 143-58, followed by Martorano 1992, 37-42; <foreign xml:lang='la'>contra</foreign> 71 Torelli 1979, 102-3)</p> 72 </event> 73 <event type='observed'> 74 <p>Reggio Calabria, Magna Graecia National Museum</p> 75 </event> 76 </listEvent> 77 </provenance> 78 </history> 79 </msDesc> 80 </ab> 81 </sourceDesc> 82 </fileDesc> 83 <encodingDesc> 84 <p>Marked-up according to the EpiDoc Guidelines and Schema, version 8</p> 85 <projectDesc> 86 <p>Sample for a Corpus of Greek Economical Inscriptions</p> 87 </projectDesc> 88 </encodingDesc> 89 <profileDesc> 90 <langUsage> 91 <language ident='grc'>Ancient Greek</language> 92 <language ident='la'>Latin</language> 93 <language ident="grc-Latn">Transliterated Greek</language> 94 <language ident='en'>English</language> 95 <language ident='it'>Italian</language> 96 <language ident='fr'>French</language> 97 <language ident='de'>German</language> 98 </langUsage> 99 <textClass> 100 <keywords scheme='subjects'> 101 <term>taxes/taxation</term> 102 <term>loan</term> 103 <term>fiscality</term> 104 <term>civic contributions</term> 105 <term>debts</term> 106 <term>sanctuary</term> 107 <term>inner loan</term> 108 <term>basileus</term> 109 <term>synteleia</term> 110 <term>little talent</term> 111 </keywords> 112 <keywords scheme='type'> 113 <term>internal administrative act</term> 114 </keywords> 115 <keywords scheme='context'> 116 <term>acropolis</term> 117 <term>sacred building</term> 118 </keywords> 119 </textClass> 120 </profileDesc> 121 </teiHeader> 122 <text> 123 <body> 124 <div type='bibliography' subtype='referenceEdition'> 125 <head>Reference edition</head> 126 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0134'>Costabile 1992</ref>, <biblScope unit='page'>275</biblScope>, tab. 23</bibl> 127 </div> 128 <div type='bibliography' subtype='editions'> 129 <head>Other editions</head> 130 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2250'>De Franciscis 131 1972</ref>, 132 no. 23;</bibl> 133 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2255'>L. Del Monaco, <title>I.Locri</title></ref> 23</bibl> 134 </div> 135 <div type='bibliography' subtype='illustrations'> 136 <head>Photographs</head> 137 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0134'>Costabile 1992</ref>, 274;</bibl> 138 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2250'>De Franciscis 1972</ref>, fig. 23;</bibl> 139 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2255'>L. Del Monaco, <title>I.Locri</title></ref>, <biblScope unit='page'>74</biblScope></bibl> 140 </div> 141 142 <div type='bibliography' subtype='translations'> 143 <head>Translations</head> 144 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0134'>Costabile 1992</ref>, 275 (Italian);</bibl> 145 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0144'>Migeotte 2003a</ref>, 175-176 (Italian)</bibl> 146 </div> 147 <div type='bibliography' subtype='other'> 148 <head>Bibliography</head> 149 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2250">De Franciscis 1972, 37, 62-67, 73, 75-84, 92, 150 102, 104, 113, 115-118, 122, 125, 145, 150-152, 157-158, 160, 151 171-177</ref>;</bibl> 152 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0136'>Musti 1974, 5-11, 16-18</ref>;</bibl> 153 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl9135'>Blomqvist 1975, 19-29</ref>;</bibl> 154 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0137'>Gigante 1976, 420-422, 425-429</ref>;</bibl> 155 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0138'>Van Compernolle 1976, 377-381</ref></bibl> 156 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2257'>Blomqvist 1978, 117-118, 120 n. 26, 121, 126-128, 131-132</ref>;</bibl> 157 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0139'>Musti 1979, 19-20, 29-30, 33-36, 43-44, 47, 49-53, 63, 66-69, 75-76, 79, 104-106, 197, 202, 209-210, 215-217, 219, 221, 234, 237, 243, 258, 271-274 (J. Robert, L. Robert, <title>BE</title>, <date>1979</date>, no. 591)</ref>;</bibl> 158 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0140'>Costabile 1980, 106, 108-109, 113-118</ref>;</bibl> 159 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0134'>Costabile 1992, 103-105, 109, 116, 120, 133-150, 162, 164-165, 218</ref>;</bibl> 160 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0141'>Del Monaco 1991/1992</ref>;</bibl> 161 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2258'>Migliardi Zingale 1994, 243</ref>;</bibl> 162 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl0142'>Antonetti 1995, 353-354, 361-363</ref>;</bibl> 163 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2259'>Ghinatti 1998, 56, 60, 63-64, 66, 68, 71</ref>;</bibl> 164 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2260'>Filocamo 2006, 68-69</ref>;</bibl> 165 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2262'>Costabile 2007, 259, 268, 272, 277-285, 290</ref>;</bibl> 166 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2261'>Del Monaco 2010b, 462-463, 466</ref>;</bibl> 167 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2263'>Castrizio, Filocamo 2014, 238, 240-241, 246-247, 249, 253, 257, 273</ref>;</bibl> 168 <bibl><ref target='GEIBibl/#bibl2266'>Del Monaco 2018, 72</ref></bibl> 169 </div> 170 <div type='edition' xml:lang='grc' xml:space='preserve'> 171 <ab> 172 <lb n='1'/><persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0077'><w>Πυρ</w>. <w lemma='ἐπί'>ἐπὶ</w> <name nymRef='Διόγνητος'><w lemma='Διόγνητος'>Διογνήτω</w></name></persName> <g type='dash'/> <w lemma='ἱερομνημονέω'>ἱαρομναμονεόντων</w> <g type='punct'/> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0078'><w>Ψαθ</w>. <g type='punct'/> <name nymRef='Δωρίμαχος'><w lemma='Δωρίμαχος'>Δωριμάχω</w></name> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0079'><name nymRef='Ζωίλος'><w lemma='Ζωίλος'>Ζωίλω</w></name></persName></persName>, 173 <lb n='2'/><persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0080'><w>Αστ</w>. <name nymRef='Μενάλκης'><w lemma='Μενάλκης'>Μενάλκεος</w></name> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0081'><name nymRef='Γοργίδας'><w lemma='Γοργίδας'>Γοργίδα</w></name></persName></persName>, <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0082'><w>Στρ</w>. <name nymRef='Τίμων'><w lemma='Τίμων'>Τίμων</w></name> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0083'><name nymRef='Τιμοκλῆς'><w lemma='Τιμοκλῆς'>Τιμοκλέος</w></name></persName></persName>, <w lemma='πρόβουλος'>προβώλων</w> 174 <lb n='3'/><w lemma='προάρχω'>προαρχόντων</w> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0084'><w>Γαψ</w>. <name nymRef='Σάμων'><w lemma='Σάμων'>Σάμωνος</w></name> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0085'><name nymRef='Σάμιππος'><w lemma='Σάμιππος'>Σαμίππω</w></name></persName></persName>, <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0086'><w>Τηλ</w>. <g type='punct'/> <name nymRef='Καλλίστρατος'><w lemma='Καλλίστρατος'>Καλλίστρατος</w></name> 175 <lb n='4'/><persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0087'><name nymRef='Θρασύμαχος'><w lemma='Θρασύμαχος'>Θρασυμάχω</w></name></persName></persName>, <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0088'><w>Πυρ</w>. <name 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lemma='Εὔθυμος'>Εὐθύμω</w></name> <g type='punct'/> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0095'><name nymRef='Εὐθυμίσκος'><w lemma='Εὐθυμίσκος'>Εὐθυμίσκω</w></name></persName></persName>, <w lemma='ὁ'>ἁ</w> <w lemma='πόλις'>πόλις</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='χράω'>ἐχρ 177 <lb break='no' n='6'/>ήσατο</w></rs> <w lemma='παρά'>πὰρ</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶ</w> <w lemma='θεός'>θεῶ</w> <w lemma='βασιλεύς'>βασιλεῖ</w> <g type='punct'/> <w lemma='ἐν'>ἐν</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τὰν</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='συντέλεια'>συντέλε<supplied reason='omitted'>ι</supplied>αν</w></rs> <w lemma='ἀπό'>ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶ</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='ἀγυρθμός'>ἀγυρθμῶ</w></rs> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='ἀργύριον'>ἀργυρίω</w></rs> 178 <lb n='7'/><measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='1983.734'><num type='acrophonic' value='1983'><g type='one-thousand-talents_Sicily'/><g type='five-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='fifty-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤΤ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='4'>ΣΣΣΣ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='8'><g type='five-litrae_Sicily'/>ΛΛΛ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='1'><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure>, <w lemma='καί'>καὶ</w> <w lemma='ἀπό'>ἀπὸ</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶν</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='τέλος'>τελέων</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <w lemma='παρά'>πὰρ</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='ταμίας'>ταμιᾶν</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <w lemma='καί'>καὶ</w> <w lemma='φάταρχος'>φατάρχων</w> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='17.17'><num type='acrophonic' value='17'><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='five-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='1'>Σ</num></measure> 179 <lb n='8'/><measure type='volume-dry' unit='medimnos' quantity='333'><rs type='economic'><w lemma='πυρός'>πυρῶν</w></rs> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='μέδιμνος'>μεδίμνων</w></rs> <num type='acrophonic' value='333'>ΗΗΗ<g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure> <g type='punct'/> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='ἡμικτεύς'>ͱημικτέος</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='τιμή'>τιμὰ</w></rs> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶ</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='μέδιμνος'>μεδίμνω</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <measure type='currency' unit='stater' quantity='2'><num type='acrophonic' value='2'>ΣΣ</num></measure>, <w lemma='πᾶς'>παντὸς</w> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='111.17'><num type='acrophonic' value='111'><supplied reason='omitted'><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/></supplied><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/>Τ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='1'>Σ</num></measure> 180 <lb n='9'/><measure type='volume-dry' unit='medimnos' quantity='333'><rs type='economic'><w lemma='κριθή'>κριθᾶν</w></rs>· <rs type='economic'><w lemma='μέδιμνος'>μεδίμνων</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <num type='acrophonic' value='333'>ΗΗΗ<g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='ten_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure> <g type='punct'/> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='ἡμικτεύς'>ͱημικτέος</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='τιμή'>τιμὰ</w></rs> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶ</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='μέδιμνος'>μεδίμνω</w></rs> <g type='punct'/> <measure type='currency' unit='stater' quantity='1.33'><num type='acrophonic' value='1'>Σ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='6.50'><g type='five-litrae_Sicily'/>Λ<g type='half-litra_Sicily'/></num> <num type='acrophonic' value='2'><supplied reason='omitted'><g type='one_Sicily'/></supplied><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure>, <w lemma='πᾶς'>παντὸς</w> 181 <lb n='10'/><measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='74.111'><num type='acrophonic' value='74'><g type='fifty-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤΤΤ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='13'>ΔΛΛΛ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='4'><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure>, <space/> <w lemma='ὑγρός'>ͱυγρῶν</w> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='καρπός'>καρπῶν</w></rs> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='189.3'><num type='acrophonic' value='189'><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='fifty-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='five-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤΤΤ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='2'>ΣΣΣΣ</num></measure> <w lemma='ἱερός'>ͱιαρᾶν</w> <g type='punct'/> <rs type='economic'><w lemma='μίσθωμα'>μίστωμα</w></rs> 182 <lb n='11'/><w lemma='κατά'>κὰτ</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τὸ</w> <w lemma='δόγμα'>δόγμα</w> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='20'><num type='acrophonic' value='20'><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/><g type='ten-talents_Sicily'/></num></measure>, <rs type='economic'><w lemma='δωρεά'>δωρεᾶν</w></rs> <w lemma='ὁ'>τᾶν</w> <w lemma='ἐπίτηνα'>ἐπίτηνα</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶ</w> <geogName ref='GEIListPlace/#plc0020'><name nymRef='Ἅληξ'><w lemma='Ἅληξ'>ͱάληκος</w></name></geogName> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='57'><num type='acrophonic' value='57'><g type='fifty-talents_Sicily'/><g type='five-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤ</num></measure>. <rs type='economic'><w lemma='κεφάλωμα'><expan>κεφ<ex>άλωμα</ex></expan></w></rs> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶν</w> <w lemma='ὁ'>ἁ</w> <w lemma='πόλις'>πόλις</w> 183 <lb n='12'/><rs type='economic'><w lemma='ὀφείλω'>ὀφήλει</w></rs> <w lemma='ὁ'>τῶι</w> <w lemma='θεός'>θεῶι</w> <persName type='private' ref='GEIListPers/#pvt0077'><w>Πυρ</w>. <w lemma='ἐπί'>ἐπὶ</w> <name nymRef='Διόγνητος'><w lemma='Διόγνητος'>Διογνήτω</w></name></persName> <measure type='currency' unit='talent' quantity='2452.511'><num type='acrophonic' value='2452'><g type='one-thousand-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-thousand-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/><g type='fifty-talents_Sicily'/>ΤΤ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='3'><supplied reason='omitted'>ΣΣΣ</supplied></num> <num type='acrophonic' value='1'>Λ</num> <num type='acrophonic' value='5'><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/><g type='one_Sicily'/></num></measure> <space/> 184 </ab> 185 </div> 186 187 <div type='apparatus' xml:lang='en'> 188 <head>Apparatus criticus</head> 189 <p> 190 l. 4: <supplied reason='omitted'>Ξ</supplied>εναινέτω corr. by De Franciscis 191 l. 6: <foreign xml:lang='gr'>ἀγυρθμῶ</foreign> tab., Costabile, Del Monaco : <foreign xml:lang='gr'>ἀγυρομῶ</foreign> corr. by De Franciscis, followed by Landi, Blomqvist, Parise, Gigante 192 l. 7: <num type='acrophonic' value='8'><g type='five-litrae_Sicily'/>ΛΛΛ</num> s.l. 193 l. 8: <supplied reason='omitted'><g type='one-hundred-talents_Sicily'/></supplied> corr. by De Franciscis 194 l. 9: <supplied reason='omitted'><g type='one_Sicily'/></supplied> suppl. by De Franciscis 195 l. 11: <foreign xml:lang='gr'>δωρεᾶν τᾶν</foreign> read Costabile, Blomqvist, Gigante, Del Monaco : <foreign xml:lang='gr'>δωρεὰν τὰν</foreign> De Franciscis : <foreign xml:lang='gr'>δωρεὰν τᾶν</foreign> Musti, Landi <foreign xml:lang='gr'>ἐπίτηνα</foreign> Musti, Blomqvist, Gigante, Costabile, Del Monaco : <foreign xml:lang='gr'>ἐπὶ Τῆνα</foreign> De Franciscis 196 l. 12: <supplied reason='omitted'>ΣΣΣ</supplied> suppl. by De Franciscis 197 </p> 198 </div> 199 200 <div type='translation' xml:lang='en' xml:space='preserve'> 201 <head>Translation</head> 202 <lb/><p>Pyr. during the year of Diognetos, the <foreign xml:lang="La">hiaromnamones</foreign> being Psath. Dorimachos son of Zoilos, 203 Ast. Menalkes son of Gorgidas, Str. Timon son of Timokles, the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>proboloi</foreign> 204 <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>proarchontes</foreign> being Gaps. Samon son of Samippos, Tel. Kallistratos 205 son of Thrasymachos, Pyr. Arkeidas son of Sosippos, the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>prodikoi</foreign> being Lak. Xenainetos 206 son of Kleutheros, Kra. Proxenos son of Sathyon, Gag. Euthumos son of Euthumiskos, the city 207 borrowed from the god for the contribution to the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>basileus</foreign> from the collection of silver: 208 1983 talents, 4 staters, 8 litras, 1 ounce; and from the tributes (collected) by the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>tamiai</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>phatarchoi</foreign>: 17 talents, 1 stater; 209 333 <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnoi</foreign> and a half of grain – price per <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnos</foreign>: 2 staters – for a total of 111 talents, 1 stater; 210 333 <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnoi</foreign> and a half of barley – price per <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnos</foreign>: 1 stater, 6 litras and a half – for a total of 211 74 talents, 13 litras, 4 ounces; 189 talents, 2 staters of liquid products; (as) rental of the sacred lands 212 according to the decree: 20 staters; (as income) of the gifts of the lands beyond the river Halex: 57 talents Total 213 amount which the city owes to the god Pyr. during the year of Diognetos: 2452 talents, 3 staters, 1 litras, 5 ounces. 214 </p> 215 </div> 216 217 <div type='commentary' xml:lang='en' xml:space='preserve'> 218 <head>Commentary</head> 219 <lb/><p>This tablet belongs to that kind of bronze epigraphical documents which the Greeks themselves usually called <foreign xml:lang="grc">χαλκώματα</foreign> (cf. <title>SEG</title> 47 1427, ll. 6, 7, 9, 17, the late 6th/early 5th century BC law from <placeName>Himera</placeName> concerning the redistribution of land, on which see GEI 006; <title>SEG</title> 30 1117-1122, the decrees from <placeName>Entella</placeName>; <title>Ι.Magnesia</title> 45, l. 50, an early third-century decree of demos of <placeName>Apollonia</placeName> accepting the invitation of <placeName>Magnesia on the Meander</placeName> to the Leukophryena; see also the evidence listed in Guarducci 1959-1960, 241 n. 5) or, as in tabs. no. 4, 28, 32 of the Lokrian archive, <foreign xml:lang="grc">χαλκός</foreign> (cf. also <title>IG</title> IX 1, 682, l. 11, a fourth-century decree from <placeName>Kerkyra</placeName>).</p> 220 <lb/><p>Being part of a homogeneous archive, the Lokrian tablets from the <placeName>Olympieion</placeName> represent a <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>unicum</foreign> among the type of documents they belong to, <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>i.e.</foreign> the documents on the public finances of the Greek cities. They record internal administrative acts of the Lokrian sanctuary of Zeus Olympios concerning financial matters, and in particular they provide essential information about the annual reporting on debt ratios between the city of <placeName>Lokroi Epizephyrioi</placeName> and its sanctuary. Tablet 23 gives an account of the loan that the city borrowed from the god during the year of <persName>Diognetos</persName>, specifying in a very detailed way the purpose of the loan and the sources of withdrawal. Therefore, what makes the Lokrian tablets such an outstanding piece of historical evidence is the light they shed on the internal mechanisms of the city’s financial management in relation to the sanctuary, which functioned as an inner credit institution of the city (for a thorough analysis, supplied with good comparisons, see Migeotte 1992, 151-160; see also Id. 1988 and 2014, 214-216, in particular with reference to the concept of ‘inner loan’). In 2006 Kritzas published a preliminary study (Kritzas 2006) on a still unpublished new set of 134 archival documents from the Argive sanctuary of Athena, which could be a potential interesting touchstone for the Lokrian archive.</p> 221 <lb/><p>Two sets of problems concern the tablet. The first one includes general economic and legal issues, which arise by putting Tab. 23 in its broader context. The economic issues are related to the ponderal and metrological system, whereas the legal ones concern the typology of these documents, the process of editing, and the issue of their archiving: in a word, their legal status. The second set includes specific questions related to Tablet 23 and to others among the set, such as the identity of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">βασιλεὺς</foreign> and the nature of his <foreign xml:lang="grc">συντέλεια</foreign> (l. 6); the financial role of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ταμίαι</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign> (l. 7); the identification of the sources of withdrawal, in particular the last two, <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">i.e.</foreign> the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεᾶν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος</foreign> (ll. 10-11).</p> 222 <lb/><p>Let us begin from the ponderal system (on which see De Franciscis 1972, 64-65, 109 ff.; Parise 1979, 197-8; Id. 1993, 271-275; and more recently Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260). The ponderal system we came to know from the Lokrian tablets was based on a silver litra and on a talent almost equivalent to the <foreign xml:lang="grc">Σικελικὸν τάλαντον</foreign>, commonly used in <placeName>Syracuse</placeName> since the reign of <persName>Dionysius I</persName>. In fact, they were both ‘little’, that is to say, they followed a different system of subdivision and a much inferior range of values if we compare them to the ‘great’ talent, which contained 60 <foreign xml:lang="la">minae</foreign> and 6000 <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">drachmae</foreign> (see Mattingly 1943, 14-16). The only difference was that the Sicilian talent (at least from a specific time) contained 12 <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">nomoi</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">nomos</foreign> 10 <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">litrae</foreign> (cf. Arist. frr. 510, 589 Rose; see Consolo Langher 1963, 388-436 and Ead. 1990, 5-12; and more recently Erdas 2012, 298-303).</p> 223 <lb/><p>It is no surprise that the Lokrian ponderal system was similar to the Sicilian one. It is highly possible that the latter was brought over to Lokroi thanks to the close familiar and political relationships that linked <persName>Dionysius I</persName> and his offspring with the leading Lokrian aristocracy (<persName>Dionysius I</persName> indeed married a Lokrian aristocrat in 398 BC: cf. Arist. <title>Pol.</title> 1307a 37-40 and see Del Monaco 2000, 164 and Id. 2010a, 418-419; for the military and political support the Syracusan tyrant gave to Lokroi see Musti 1977, 96-102). At that time, <placeName>Lokroi</placeName> was a city without its own currency: no coinage was minted there until the second half of the fourth century. Most of this chronology is highly conjectural. In fact, the mint of Lokroi almost concurrently struck (1) Corinthian standard <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">pegasi</foreign> designed to conform with the currency of eastern Sicily (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2336-2342; Pozzi Paolini 1979, 231 dated them somewhere between 344 and 304 BC, while Kraay 1973, 2130-2133 preferred a later beginning, ca. 330 BC; this traditional chronology has been recently challenged by Filocamo 2009/2012 and Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, who suggest postdating the <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">terminus ante quam</foreign> almost to the end of the Agathoklean era, 289 BC); (2) a number of issues with local types on the Achaean standard for circulation in southern Italy (see Rutter 2001, nos. 2310-2328; Pozzi Paolini 1977, 241 ff. dated them 344-285 BC, until a significant reduction in weight, from 7.7/7,4 to 6,7 g, occurred). However, even after that, the tablets show that the sanctuary never expressed silver amounts in terms of coinage, probably because the monetary system, with the issues on the Achaean standard, branched off from the ponderal system which the sanctuary continued to refer to. Thus, as Parise 1993, 274 pointed out, the weight units adopted by the city mint and the sanctuary might have become different. Moreover, it might have been useful to express the values of other metals on the silver scale: it allowed the restitution of the same amount of metal or of the corresponding amount in a different kind of metal (Parise 1979, 201; see more recently Costabile 2007, 253-254 and Del Monaco 2010a, 419-424).</p> 224 <lb/><p>A recent study by Castrizio and Filocamo 2014, 254-260 shows a particularly strong metrological link between <placeName>Lokroi</placeName> and <placeName>Syracuse</placeName> during the Agathoklean age. Assuming a <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">ratio</foreign> of 2.45 between the Syracusan talent and the Lokrian one at that time, each sum concerning the <foreign xml:lang="grc">συντέλεια</foreign> turns out to be a round number if converted in Syracusan talents. Therefore, the following scenario can be imagined: once the command to contribute came from <placeName>Syracuse</placeName>, the Lokrians performed the conversion and withdrew from the sanctuary the correspondent amount of non-minted silver. As a consequence, the two scholars believe the six tablets mentioning the <foreign xml:lang="grc">βασιλεύς</foreign> should be ascribed to <persName>Agathokles</persName> (see the discussion below).</p> 225 <lb/><p>As far as the capacity serving measures are concerned, we possess scanty evidences. The <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnos</foreign>, with its subdivisions, is the only measure employed in our documents. With regards to Tablet 23, some problems arise with the genitive form <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ͱημικτέος</foreign> (ll. 8-9). This hapax was interpreted by De Franciscis 1972, 116 as a way to indicate half a medimnos, even though its etymology seems to match with that of <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ἡμιεκτέον</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ἡμίεκτον</foreign>, <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ἡμικταῖον</foreign> = half a <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>hekteus</foreign> (that is to say one-twelfth a <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>medimnos</foreign>; cf. <title>LSJ</title> s.v.). However, it should be said that this unusual use of the term is all the more odd as we know that the contracted form <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ἡμέδιμνον</foreign> is attested in <placeName>Lokroi</placeName> in the third century bc (cf. Arangio Ruiz and Olivieri 1965, no. 25, l. 6, the so-called ‘<foreign xml:lang='la'>defixio Melitae</foreign>’: <foreign xml:lang='grc'>σὺν ἡμεδίμνω[ι λιβά]νω</foreign>).</p> 226 <lb/><p>Focusing on the institutional features and legal features of the tablets (on which see especially Costabile 1992b, 114-123 and Id. 2007, 263-276; Antonetti 1995, 358-361; Boffo 2003, 66-67) it is likely that Tab. 23, though not explicitly mentioned, was edited under the supervision of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἱαρομνάμονες ἐπὶ θησαυρῶι</foreign>, civic officers appointed to the management of the treasure of the god (see Costabile 1992b, 122; on the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἱαρομνάμονες</foreign> see Lewis 1970, 248-249, Musti 1974, 13-19, Costabile 1992e, 216-218), in accordance with a decree of the council and of the people. Such an editing procedure is recorded by Tabs. 4, 5, 32 and can be applied to Tablet 23. However, the carving of the bronze tablet was the last step of the process. In fact, a few formal and legal features, such as the <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">coronis</foreign> (Tab. 23; see <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">s.v.</foreign> layout), the letters preceding the name of the officers (on the meaning of which see Pugliese Caratelli 1965/1966, 213; Fuda 1992, 208-209; Antonetti 1995, 356-358; Del Monaco 2018, 73-82), the initials of some civic officers at the bottom of the documents (Tabs. 15, 26) make scholars think that a more detailed book entry possibly existed, with registered accounts for the preceding years certified (see Costabile 1992b, 120-121 and Boffo 2003, 67; as Boffo 1995, 123 pointed out, an analogous situation may be described by an inscription from <placeName>Paros</placeName>, edited by Lambrinudakis and Wörrle 1983, concerning the inscribing on bronze of archival documents).</p> 227 <lb/><p>That raises some problems on the legal nature of the tablets. Being extracts from decrees, the majority of the tablets (with the exception of Tabs. 4, 5, 32) were not the debtor’s declaration (<foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>i.e.</foreign> the polis). Thus they cannot be placed on the same footing either with Hellenistic <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>syngraphai</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>chirographa</foreign> (on which see Paoli 1959, 211 ff.; Castresana Herrero 1987, 362 ff.; Amelotti and Migliardi Zingale 1988, 129 ff.) or with documents recording private loans (such as the fifth century lead tablets from <placeName>Korkyra</placeName>, on which see Calligas 1971 and Velissaropoulos 1982, 81 ff.). However, there should be no doubt that the tablets were legal documents (see Costabile 1992b, 121), probably <foreign xml:lang='grc-Latn'>symbola</foreign> of the loans (see Antonetti 1995, 359; on the legal value of the term symbolon see Gauthier 1972). Their purpose was to establish the entity, the timing and the reason of the loan, and, at the same time, to establish the accountability of the officers.</p> 228 <lb/><p>We do not know where exactly the tablets were stored; in fact, the stone case where they were discovered was not probably intended to be their original location considering its weight, its complex system of opening and the material found inside it (mostly gold and silver coins, now lost; cf. Giner 1992, 15 ff., Costabile 1992a, 29 and Id. 1992b, 107, stressing the fact that the objects stored in the case might have been put there due to a climate of insecurity, so as to save them). The most plausible view is that they might have been temporarily exhibited in public, possibly fixed on some support (to this conclusion the little holes on the edges of Tab. 26 might point), and then stored somewhere in the sanctuary where at least officers would have been able to consult them (cf. Costabile 1992b, 123).</p> 229 <lb/><p>As to the identity of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">βασιλεύς</foreign>, two opposite views have been expressed on the matter. On the one hand, some scholars interpret the <foreign xml:lang="grc">βασιλεύς</foreign> as a civic officer in charge of the financial administration, similar to the Lokrian Opuntian <foreign xml:lang="grc">βασιλεύς</foreign> (cf. Arist. <title>Pol.</title> 3.1287a 2-3; see especially Costabile 1980, Id. 1992c, 139-50, Id. 2007, 277-299; see also Landi 1979, 241-242, stressing the religious background of this officer); on the other, the majority of scholars believe that the term refers to a Hellenistic king, it may be <persName>Pyrrus</persName> (as De Franciscis 1972, 75 ff. argued, followed by Van Compernolle 1992, 135-136 and Migeotte 1992, 151-160); or <persName>Agathokles</persName>, as suggested by Blomqvist 1979, 75-76, Parise 1979, 204, Stazio 1979, 233 and, recently, with strong numismatic and metrological evidences, Castrizio, Filocamo 2014, in particular 249-254, on which see above; or Dionysius II (see D'Angelo 2001). The question still stands (see Musti 1979a, 213-215 and Antonetti 1995, 363).</p> 230 <lb/><p>Yet the importance of <foreign xml:lang='grc'>βασιλεὺς</foreign>’ identity is straightforward for our understanding of the <foreign xml:lang='grc'>συντέλεια</foreign> (Tabs. 1, 13, 23, 31), i.e. the contribution which the city gave to him: if we suppose that the <foreign xml:lang='grc'>βασιλεὺς</foreign> was a civic officer, then it could label a joint contribution for public burdens (cf. Dem. 18.237); otherwise, the term could hint at a form of dependency which signalled a variable degree of economic subjugation (cf. Plut. <title>Arat.</title> 54.5; usually the word is used in this sense for membership of federal bodies: cf. Diod. 15.38.4; <title>Hell. Oxy.</title> 19.3 talking about the Boeotian federation; and Paus. 7.11.3, in connection to the Achaean League; cf. <abbr>RE</abbr> and <abbr>BNP</abbr> s.v. <foreign xml:lang='grc'>συντέλεια</foreign>).</p> 231 <lb/><p>The next two figures we come across in the tablet are the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ταμίαι</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign> (l. 7). Both these officers are concerned with financial duties (for the military function of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign>, probably connected with the πυργοποιία attested in Tab. 16, see Musti 1979a, 210-211; for the their constitutional relevance see Musti 1977, 104, 120; Costabile 1992e, 210-213; Del Monaco 2010b, 463). The <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign> are usually responsible for collecting the loans which the sanctuary grants to the city; nevertheless, in Tablet 23 they collect tributes necessary to the granting of the loan itself. Two different explanations might be given regarding their collective role. On the one hand, they might have collected the recorded amounts in order to deposit them in the sanctuary; on the other one, it is possible that the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign> directly collect the tribute addressed to the sanctuary, depositing it in the form of a loan in the public treasury of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φατάρχιον</foreign> (mentioned in Tabs. 16 and 19; cf. Musti 1974, 16-19, Id. 1987, 92-101, Costabile 1992c, 146-148). As far as the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ταμίαι</foreign> are concerned, they make their appearance only in Tab. 23. De Franciscis 1972, 150 describes them as accounting officers of the sanctuary, who probably assisted the <foreign xml:lang="grc">φάταρχοι</foreign> with control purposes.</p> 232 <lb/><p>Focusing on the <foreign xml:lang='grc'>ͱιαρᾶν μίστωμα</foreign> (l. 10), nowadays scholars unanimously accept the view held by Gigante 1979, 44 ff., who convincingly interprets the expression as ‘the rental (coming from) the sacred lands’, implying the genitive <foreign xml:lang='grc'>γᾶν before ͱιαρᾶν</foreign>; this reading is backed up by strong literary and epigraphic parallels (in particular see the tablets from Heraklea: <title>IGSI</title> 645, I, ll. 95 ff.). For a review of the previous interpretations see L. Del Monaco, <title>I.Locri</title>, 76-77.</p> 233 <lb/><p>The final issue concerns the identification of the last source of withdrawal quoted in the tablet and the nature of its income. The text runs as follows: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝΕΠΙΤΗΝΑΤΩͰΑΛΗΚΟΣ</foreign> (l. 11). Resting on more solid ground, Musti’s reading, <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεὰν τᾶν ἐπίτηνα τῶ ͱάληκος</foreign>, must be preferred (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπίτηνα</foreign> = <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπέκεινα</foreign>, ‘beyond the river Halex’; see Musti 1974, 6-7 and Gigante 1979, 43-44; <foreign xml:lang="la">contra</foreign> De Franciscis 1972, 37, 44-45 and Manganaro 1977, 1340, who read <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεὰν τὰν ἐπὶ Τῆνα τῶ ͱάληκος</foreign>, ‘the offering related to the sanctuary of Zeus near the river Halex’; however, the existence of another minor sanctuary of Zeus, somehow connected to the <placeName>Olympieion</placeName>, is not historically, grammatically and linguistically acceptable: see Musti 1974, 6; Blomqvist 1978, 18). As far as <foreign xml:lang="grc">ΔΩΡΕΑΝ ΤΑΝ</foreign> is concerned, their interpretation as rental contributions coming from one or more <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign>, in the sense of ‘land donated’ to the sanctuary and located ‘beyond the river Halex’, ought to be preferred (see the persuasive legal and historical arguments pointed out by Costabile 1992d, 164-166).</p> 234 <lb/> 235 <lb/> 236 <lb/><p>Amelotti, M. and L. Migliardi Zingale (1988), 'Συγγραφή, χειρόγραφον – testatio, chirographum. Osservazioni in tema di tipologie documentali', in G. Nenci and G. Thür (eds.), <title level="m">Symposion 1988. Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Siena-Pisa, 6.-8. Juni 1988)</title>, Siena-Pisa, 297-304</p> 237 <lb/><p>Antonetti, C. (1995), 'Le tavole di Locri: nuovi contributi al dibattito storico', <title>Ostraka</title> 4.2, 351-363</p> 238 <lb/><p>Arangio-Ruiz, V. and A. Olivieri (1965), <title level="m">Inscriptiones graecae Siciliae et infimae Italiae ad ius pertinentes</title>, Roma</p> 239 <lb/><p>Blomqvist, J. (1975), 'The Dialect of Epizephyrian Locri', <title>OAth</title> 11, 17-35</p> 240 <lb/><p>Blomqvist, J. (1978), 'Additional Remarks on the Locrian Bronze Tablets', <title>OAth</title> 12, 117-132</p> 241 <lb/><p>Blomqvist, J. (1979), 'The Relative Chronology of the Locrian Bronze Tablets', in D. Musti (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri<title level="m"/>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977)</title>, Roma, 73-90</p> 242 <lb/><p>Boffo, L. (1995), 'Ancora una volta sugli 'Archivi' nel mondo greco: conservazione e 'pubblicazione' epigrafica', <title>Athenaeum</title> 83, 91-130</p> 243 <lb/><p>Boffo, L. (2003), 'Per una storia dell’archiviazione pubblica nel mondo greco', <title>Dike</title> 6, 5-85</p> 244 <lb/><p>Calligas, C. (1971), 'An Inscribed Lead Plaque from Korkyra', <title>ABSA</title> 66, 79-93</p> 245 <lb/><p>Castresana Herrero, A. (1987), 'El chirographo y la syngrapha: significacion juridica desde la repubblica hasta Justiniano', in <title level="m">Estudios de derecho romano en honor de Alvaro d'Ors, I</title>, Pamplona, 361-380</p> 246 <lb/><p>Castrizio, D. and A. Filocamo (2014), 'Agatocle e l'archivio locrese di Zeus Olimpio - un approccio numismatico', <title>RBN</title> 160, 217-278</p> 247 <lb/><p>Consolo Langher, S.N. (1963), 'Il ‘sikelikon talanton’ nella storia economica e finanziaria della Sicilia antica', <title>Helikon</title> 3, 388-436</p> 248 <lb/><p>Consolo Langher, S.N. (1990), 'L’importanza del lessico di Polluce per la ricostruzione dei sistemi monetali e della realtà economica della Sicilia antica', <title>Archivio Storico Messinese</title> 56, s. III, 47, 5-12</p> 249 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1980), 'Ἄρχοντες e βασιλεύς a Locri Epizefiri', <title>PP</title> 35, 104-122</p> 250 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (ed.) (1992), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro</p> 251 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1992a), 'Confronti tipologici con la teca locrese: Gortyna, Lebena e Caulonia', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 23-35</p> 252 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1992b), 'L'archivio e la sua funzione nell'amministrazione finanziaria locrese', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 105-123</p> 253 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1992c), 'La «contribuzione al re»: ruolo finanziario e cronologia dei magistrati locresi', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 139-149</p> 254 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1992d), 'Redditi, terre e fonti finanziarie dell'<foreign xml:lang="La">Olympieion</foreign>: tributi, imposte e rapporti contrattuali', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 160-174</p> 255 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (1992e), 'La costituzione democratica', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 210-227</p> 256 <lb/><p>Costabile, F. (2007), 'L’archivio finanziario di Locri Epizefiri ed il Basileus', in Id., <title level="m">Enigmi delle civiltà antiche dal Mediterraneo al Nilo I</title>, Reggio Calabria, 251-307</p> 257 <lb/><p>De Franciscis, A. (1972), <title level="m">Stato e società in Locri Epizefirii: l’archivio dell’Olympieion locrese</title>, Napoli</p> 258 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (1991/1992), 'Breve nota attorno alla coronide di tab. 23 del corpus locrese', <title>Klearchos</title> 34/35, 91-93</p> 259 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (1997), 'Le tavole di Locri sono 37. Un nuovo attacco tra le tabb. 35, 36, 37', <title>RFIC</title> 125, 129-149</p> 260 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (2000), 'Tra epigrafia e metrologia numismatica. Sicilia e Magna Grecia', <title>AIIN</title> 47, 157-168</p> 261 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (2010a), 'Olympieion e zecca a Locri Epizefirii', <title>ArchCl</title> 61, 417-428</p> 262 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (2010b), 'Riflessioni in margine all’organizzazione civica di Locri Epizefirii', in C. Antonetti (ed.), <title level="m">Lo spazio ionico e le comunità della Grecia nord-occidentale. Territorio, società, istituzioni</title>, Pisa, 461-475</p> 263 <lb/><p>Del Monaco, L. (2018), 'Organizzazione civica a Locri epizefirii', <title>MedAnt</title> 21, 1-2, 71-83</p> 264 <lb/><p>Erdas, D. (2012), 'Istituzioni monetarie nelle Politeiai di Sicilia e Magna Grecia', in M. Polito and C. Talamo (eds.), <title level="m">Istituzioni e costituzioni in Aristotele tra storiografia e pensiero politico</title>. Atti della giornata internazionale di studio (Fisciano, 30 settembre-1 ottobre 2010), Roma, 289-306</p> 265 <lb/><p>Filocamo, A. (2006), 'Il basileus delle tavole di Locri. Le contraddizioni dell’ipotesi Dionisio II', <title>MEP</title> IX.11, 67-74</p> 266 <lb/><p>Filocamo, A. (2009/2012), 'Locri Epizefiri. L’archivio di Zeus e la monetazione', <title>MEP</title> XII-XV.14-17, 115-155</p> 267 <lb/><p>Fuda, R. (1992), 'Il problema delle sigle e dei nessi locresi', in F. Costabile (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 208-209</p> 268 <lb/><p>Gauthier, P. (1972), <title level="m">Symbola. Les étrangers et la justice dans les cités grecques</title>, Nancy</p> 269 <lb/><p>Georgoudi, S. (1988), 'Maniers d’archivage et archives de cites', in M. Detienne (ed.), <title level="m">Les savoirs de l’écriture. En Gréce ancienne</title>, Lille, 221-247</p> 270 <lb/><p>Ghinatti, F. (1998), 'Cronologia e rotazione dei fatarchi nelle tabelle di Locri Epizefiri', <title>MEP</title> I.1, 55-77</p> 271 <lb/><p>Gigante, M. (1976), 'Le tavole di Locri', <title>PP</title> 31, 417-432</p> 272 <lb/><p>Gigante, M. (1979), 'Le tavole di Locri come testo storico', in D. Musti (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma, 37-59</p> 273 <lb/><p>Giner, C.A. (1992), 'Ipotesi sul meccanismo di apertura della teca di Locri', in F. Costabile (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 15-23</p> 274 <lb/><p>Guarducci, M. (1959/1960), 'Intorno alla legge sacra di Demeter Thesmophoros', <title>AnScAt</title> 37-38, 239-242</p> 275 <lb/><p>Kraay, C.M. (1976), <title level="m">Archaic and Classical Greek Coins</title>, London</p> 276 <lb/><p>Kritsas, Ch. (2006), 'Nouvelles inscriptions d’Argos: les archives des comptes du Trésor sacré (IVe s. av. J.-C.)', <title>CRAI</title>, 397-434</p> 277 <lb/><p>Lambrinudakis, W. and M. Wörrle (1983), 'Ein hellenistisches Reformgesetz über das öffentliche Urkundenwesen von Paros (mit Taf. 5–13)', <title>Chiron</title> 13, 283–368</p> 278 <lb/><p>Landi, A. (1979), in <title>Discussione</title>, in D. Musti (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma, 241-2</p> 279 <lb/><p>Lewis, D. (1970), 'Preliminary Notes on the Locri Archive', <title>Klio</title> 52, 247-253</p> 280 <lb/><p>Manganaro, G. (1977), 'Tavolette di piombo inscritte della Sicilia greca', <title>ASNP</title> s. III, 7, 1329-1349</p> 281 <lb/><p>Mattingly, H. (1943), 'The «little» talents of Sicily and the West', <title>NC</title>, 14-20</p> 282 <lb/><p>Migeotte, L. (1992), 'Le operazioni di credito fra il santuario e la città', in F. Costabile (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 151-159</p> 283 <lb/><p>Migeotte, L. (2002), <title level="m">L’économie des cites grecques de l’archaïsme au Haut-Empire romain</title>, Paris</p> 284 <lb/><p>Migeotte, L. (2003a), <title level="m">L’economia delle città greche. Dall'età arcaica all'alto impero romano</title>, Roma</p> 285 <lb/><p>Migeotte, L. (2014), <title level="m">Les finances des cites grecques: aux périodes classique et hellénistique</title>, Paris</p> 286 <lb/><p>Migliardi Zingale, L. (1994), 'Dalle tabelle bronzee di Locri alle tavolette cerate di Pozzuoli', in G.Thür (ed.), <title level="m">Symposion 1993. Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Graz-Andritz, 12.-16. September 1993)</title>, Köln-Weimar-Wien, 241-245</p> 287 <lb/><p>Musti, D. (1974), 'Città e santuario a Locri Epizefirii', <title>PP</title>29, 5-21</p> 288 <lb/><p>Musti, D. (1977), 'Problemi della storia di Locri Epizefirii', in <title level="m">Locri Epizefirii</title>. Atti del XVI convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto, 3-8 Ottobre 1976), Taranto, 23-146</p> 289 <lb/><p>Musti, D. (ed.) (1979), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma</p> 290 <lb/><p>Musti, D. (1979a), 'Strutture cittadine e funzione del santuario', in Id. (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma, 209-228</p> 291 <lb/><p>Paoli, U.E. (1959), 'Chirographum (diritto greco e diritto romano)', <title>NNDI</title> III, Torino, 211-225</p> 292 <lb/><p>Parise, P. (1979), 'Unità ponderali e monetarie nelle tavole di Locri', in D. Musti (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma, 197-207</p> 293 <lb/><p>Parise, P. (1993) 'La monetazione dell’età dionigiana', in A. Stazio (ed.), <title level="m">La monetazione dell'età dionigiana</title>. Atti del VIII convegno del Centro Internazionale di Studi Numismatici (Napoli 29 Maggio - 1 Giugno 1983), Roma, 271-275</p> 294 <lb/><p>Pozzi Paolini, E. (1977), 'La monetazione', in <title level="m">Locri Epizefirii</title>. Atti del XVI convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto, 3-8 Ottobre 1976), Taranto, 215-301</p> 295 <lb/><p>Pugliese Caratelli, G. (1965/1966), 'Culti e dottrine religiose in Magna Grecia', in <title level="m">Santuari Di Magna Grecia</title>. Atti Del Quarto Convegno Di Studi Sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto-Reggio Calabria, 11-16 Ottobre 1964), Taranto-Reggio Calabria, 10-17</p> 296 <lb/><p>Rutter, N.K. (2001), <title level="m">Historia Numorum Italy</title>, London</p> 297 <lb/><p>Stazio, A. (1979), in <title>Discussione</title>, in D. Musti (ed.), <title level="m">Le Tavole di Locri</title>. Atti del colloquio sugli aspetti politici, economici, culturali e linguistici dei testi dell'archivio locrese (Napoli, 26-27 aprile 1977), Roma, 231-233</p> 298 <lb/><p>Van Compernolle, R. (1976), 'Le tradizioni sulla fondazione e sulla storia arcaica di Locri Epizefirî e la propaganda politica alla fine del V e nel IV secolo av. Cr.', <title>ASNP</title> s. III, 6, 329-400</p> 299 <lb/><p>Van Compernolle, R. (1992), 'Le sigle delle tabelle e i «demi» locresi: 33 o 36?', in F. Costabile (ed.), <title level="m">Polis ed Olympieion a Locri Epizefiri. Costituzione economica e finanze di una città della Magna Grecia</title>, Catanzaro, 209-210</p> 300 <lb/><p>Velissaropoulos, J. (1982), 'Les symbola d’affaires. Remarques sur les tablettes archaïque de l’île de Corfou', in J. Modrzejewski and D. Liebs (eds.), <title level="m">Symposion 1977. Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Chantilly, 1.-4. June 1977)</title>, Wien-Köln, 71-84</p> 301 </div> 302 303 <div type='commentary' xml:lang='en'> 304 <head>Author</head> 305 <p>Flavio Santini</p> 306 <lb/> 307 </div> 308 <div type="commentary" xml:lang="en"> 309 <head>Last update</head> 310 <p>January 2019</p> 311 </div> 312 313 314 <div type='commentary' xml:lang='en'> 315 <head>DOI</head> 316 <p>10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI019</p> 317 </div> 318 </body> 319 </text> 320</TEI>