GEI037
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Translation:
With good fortune.
In the reign of Ptolemy (III) son of Ptolemy (II) and Arsinoe, the Brother-Sister Gods, in the seventh year, on the second day of the month Dystrus, under the priesthood of Theodotus son of Heraclides, at a plenary meeting of the assembly, resolved by the city of Telmessos:
since Ptolemy son of Lysimachus, when he took over the city from King Ptolemy son of Ptolemy (and found it) in a bad [condition] because of the wars, and (since) in [other matters] he continues to show care publicly for the [citizens] and in private for each individual, and seeing that the citizens were [hard pressed] in every way, he granted them exemption from [taxes] on the products of trees and pasturing; and whereas previously they were harshly taxed on the grain dues, all pulses, millet, sesame and lupine, he made them pay a tithe in accordance with the law, measuring out [ - - - to the] farmer and the collector of the tithe, and he exempted (them) from all the other taxes attached to the [tax] on grain;
be it resolved by the people of Telmessos, to praise Ptolemy for the goodwill in all circumstances (?) which he continuously shows towards the city of Telmessos, and to set up on his [behalf] an altar to Zeus the Saviour in the most conspicuous place in the agora, and to sacrifice every year on the 11th of the month Dystrus a three-year-old ox; all the citizens and the resident foreigners (paroikoi) shall assemble together for the sacrifice.
[And] if the magistrate (archon) and the citizens do not perform the sacrifice every year, they shall be guilty in the eyes of all the [gods], and the magistrate shall be fined 1,000 drachmas which shall be consecrated to Zeus the Saviour, [unless] he is [prevented] by war from [performing] the sacrifice.
The magistrate shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and place it in the sanctuary of Artemis in the most conspicuous place, and the resulting expense shall be charged to the city.
(translation by Austin, The Hellenistic World, slightly modified) Commentary:
For the identification of the honored Ptolemy with the son of Lysimachos the Diadoch, born at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC and rival of Ptolemy Keraunos for the Macedonian kingdom see Holleaux 1942, 364ff. For his early biography see Trog. Prol. 24, Iust. 24.2.10-3.1.10, Porph. FGrHist 260 F 3.10-11 (succession to the Macedonian throne); SEG 25 516 (dedication of a statue of Arsinoe II by Ptolemy on his father’s behalf), Holleaux 1942, 397-402 (dedications to Delos). This identification is accepted by most scholars since Segre 1938, revisited the epigraphical evidence concerning Ptolemy and his family. An honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy’s friend Leimon (ca. 265-256 BC, Segre 1938, 183) testifies to the prominent role played at Telmessos by the former already before the mid-3rd cent. BC. Another honorary decree from Telmessos dated 220 BC testifies to the epistolary intercession of a certain Lysimachos – most likely Ptolemy’s son – for Aristeas son of Kleandros (Segre 1936, 359). The so-called ‘Eriza decree’ issued by Antiochos III (C.B. Welles, RC 36-37; see Robert 1949, 5-18 for dating to 193 BC) appoints as priestess of the divine Laodike a certain Berenike, daughter of another Ptolemy son of Lysimachos, who is probably the grandson of the Ptolemy mentioned in the inscription under consideration. Most likely, the same individual is recorded by Livy among the terms of the Peace of Apameia (37.56.4-5) as former owner of an ager, although the interpretation of the passage is controversial (see esp. Magie 1950, 763-764; Wörrle 1978, 221-222; and, with good points, Domingo Gygax 2001, 201-206). Before Apameia, this last Ptolemy son of Lysimachos seems to have sold plots of land to the Kardakes – military colonists of Antiochos III – as can be inferred from a letter of Eumenes II (for further details see Segre 1938, 190-208); finally, he is recorded as the dedicator of a phiale at Delos in 189/8 BC (I.Délos 442 B 94-95).
The decree from Telmessos shows that Ptolemy obtained (παραλαβών, l. 8) the city from the king Ptolemy III in 240 BC, just after the 3rd Syriac War (246-241 BC), which is possibly referred to in l. 10. The abovementioned documents testify to the pre-eminent position held by Ptolemy already in the twenty years preceding the decree and then by his family at least until his second descendant Ptolemy. The Ptolemy in this text is praised for having promoted an important fiscal reform which abolished or reduced taxes on local products. Considering that Ptolemaic fiscal policies were normally taken care of by the διοικητής helped by a ὑποδιοικητής and several local οἰκονόμοι (see Bagnall 1976); for the situation in Ptolemaic Lycia: P.Tebt. 8.15-18, 29-33; Wörrle 1977, 43-66 and Wörrle 2010, 359-396), Ptolemy’s reform is characterized by a high level of autonomy, which resembles that of high Ptolemaic officials (see Savalli 1987). At the same time, Ptolemy can be compared to the Hellenistic dynasts because of the position maintained by his family at Telmessos for a long time and because he minted coins marked by his initials ΠΤ (see Hill 1923, and Hill 1933). However, the official Ptolemaic dating form of the honorary decree makes it unlikely that the city was subject to a dynastic power independent from the Ptolemaic kingdom. Therefore, Ptolemy of Telmessos can more likely be seen as the recipient of a royal gift, i.e. a δωρεά, which consists of the city itself. The holder of a δωρεά formally acts like a monarch and retains strong political power in his own territory, without the king’s sovereignty being dismantled. He is also entitled to the fruits of his territory through collection of taxes, but at the same time he is compelled to send part of the income to the king (for δωρεά in Ptolemaic documents see e.g. P.Cair.Zen. 59206.61-68, 59352; P.Enteuxeis 60; P.Rev. 43.11-18; etc., with Criscuolo 2001). The δωρεά-hypothesis is supported by another honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy II dated 282/1 BC, in which the king is praised for promising not to hand the city over as a δωρεά: according to this interpretation (Wörrle 1978, contra Meadows 2012) Ptolemy III would have simply realized a project that his predecessor Ptolemy II had set aside. When Antiochos III conquered the city in 197/6, the extension of the δωρεά was likely reduced to the ager held by Ptolemy the grandson mentioned by Livy, while the new Syrian king exercised full sovereignty on the rest of Telmessos (see Wörrle 1979, 83-111 for a royal letter attributed to Antiochos).
According to Ptolemy’s fiscal reform, the Telmessian citizens are granted tax exemption (ἀτέλεια) on the products of trees (ξύλινοι καρποί) and pasture land (this is the exact meaning of the plural ἐννόμια, while the corresponding tax is called ἐννόμιον; basically the reform grants the free right of pasturage, ἐπινομία). Then the reform introduces a change in fiscal exaction concerning grain dues (σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα), all kinds of pulses, millet, sesame and lupine (ὄσπρια, κέγχρος, ἔλυμος, σήσαμον, θέρμοι): while prior to the reform the citizens were subject to heavier taxation (this is the meaning of the expression τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς, l. 17), after it a normative and regular situation (κατὰ τὸν νόμον), which should be deemed as pre-existing, is re-established. According to this νόμος the citizens are expected to pay a tithe on the above mentioned foodstuffs: the payment is regulated by a procedure of measuring, which however cannot be defined better due to a mistake of the engraver (μετροῦντας NATA, l. 18: no proposed emendation is satisfactory). Considering the two following datives in l. 19, [τῶ]ι τε γεωργῶι καὶ τῶι δεκατώνηι, it can be inferred that the measurement of the tithe had to be performed in conditions of parity and frankness both for the contributor and the collector, so that nobody paid or collected more or less than the due amount. Finally Ptolemy grants the exemption on the «remaining taxes which pertain» (τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ συγκύροντα, l. 20) to the σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα, i.e. on additional fees to the grain tax, which probably refer to the chaff and the forage derived from the harvest (see Schuler 2004, 532).
Unfortunately we know nothing about Ptolemaic taxation in Telmessos before Ptolemy’s reform. Nevertheless, we can easily affirm that royal taxes, not civic ones, are concerned in the decree, since a public praising for reduction and exemption would have otherwise been meaningless. In order to make this point clearer, an excellent comparison can be drawn with the case of Herakleia at Latmos, the citizens of which asked Antiochos III to maintain the benefits deriving from certain kinds of income – SEG 37 859 B15-17, C1: ὅπως ὑπάρχῃ <.. ? ..> | τὰ τέλη καὶ ἔγγαια καὶ τὰ εἰσαγώγια καὶ ἐξαγώγ[ια | - - - - - - - - - - | πρ]ᾶσις – and at the same time to be exempted from taxation on land products, pasturage and hives – ibid. C4-5: ἀξιώσοντας δὲ καὶ ἀτέλειαν συγχωρῆσαι τῶν τε ἐκ τῆς γῆς καρπῶν πάν|των καὶ τοῦ ἐννομίου τῶν τε κτηνῶν καὶ τῶν σμηνῶν: this different approach suggests indeed that the first request concerned civic taxation and the second one royal taxation (on this case, with further notes on the rest of the text, cf. Chankowski 2007, 326-327, and in general 322-328 for the relations between civic and royal fiscal matters in Hellenistic Asia Minor). Among the taxes mentioned in the Telmessian decree, the ἀπόμοιρα and the δεκάτη deserve further comment. The first one is known in Ptolemaic Egypt with the name ἕκτη since 263 BC and with the name ἀπόμοιρα since the so-called ‘Revenue Laws’ issued by Ptolemy II (259/8 BC). It consists of one-sixth (or exceptionally one-tenth) of the amount of the products of vineyards and gardens, allocated to the worship of the divine Arsinoe II (see Mahaffy 1939; Préaux 1939, 171-181; Clarysse, Vandorpe 1998; and Bingen 2007, 169-170). For further evidence of this duty see SEG 12 550 (Ptolemaic Cyprus), Robert, Sinuri 73 (late Hecatomnid age), Wörrle, (Wurster) 1997, 447-449 (a σειτικὴ ἀπόμοιρα in 2nd-cent. AD Lycia). The tithe is considered by [Arist.] Oec. 1345b 28 ff. as the most important source of income in satrapal economy and is attested in several documents during the period of the Hellenistic kingdoms; as SEG 36 1216 shows, it was exacted in Lycia during the Hecatomnid age. The fact that Ptolemy did not abolish the tithe suggests that it was the part of the whole income of the δωρεά owed to the king. For a hypothesis regarding the continuity from Achaemenid to Hellenistic fees in Asia Minor see Corsaro 1985, 84-85.
In my opinion the very reason for the economic breakdown of Telmessos was the war preceding the institution of the δωρεά. In the text of the decree the fiscal reform is strongly connected to the desperate situation in which Ptolemy obtained the city as a gift (ll. 9-13, with the excellent integrations κακῶς [διακει]μένην and [θλιβο]μένους), and ll. 33-35 show that the people of Telmessos deeply felt war as an impending threat over their community. Since there is no evidence of battles in the vicinity of Telmessos during the 3rd Syriac War, it is worth considering that by virtue of its fertility the city may have been exploited as a supply center for the Ptolemaic army, or even – we may carefully suggest – destined to the quartering of the troops (or the stationing of the fleet: it should be remembered, indeed, that the city enjoyed a favorable geographical position and was endowed with a good harbor; see Wörrle 1980, 63-72). Moreover, there is evidence that a Hellenistic king, most likely Antiochos III, granted Telmessos the ἀνεπισταθμεία (Wörrle 1979, 83-111; see also above), i.e. the exemption from the duty of billeting, which suggests that previously the city could actually have been exploited for this purpose. Not only is such a context (exploitation of Telmessian products for the supply of the army, possible billeting) fully coherent with the state of deep distress in which the city was found by Ptolemy, but it would explain well why the fiscal reform concerns only foodstuffs and pasturage and why it restores a normative situation for the exaction of the tithe (ll. 17-19). During wartime the regular tax exaction could have turned into a roughly irregular and heavier collection due to the emergency of the moment. The expression πρό|[τε]ρον τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς reveals that it was perceived as oppressive and almost unlawful. The lack of control on collection possibly led to abuses (cf. Domingo Gygax 2001, 182): hence the necessity to re-establish the correct procedure of exaction for the tithe at ll. 17-19. In general, for the impact of war on agriculture and, more specifically, of troop-billeting on Hellenistic communities, see Chaniotis 2008, 121-129, with discussion of relevant cases and bibliography. If this reconstruction is true, it is possible to affirm that the main purpose of Ptolemy’s economic reform was actually the post-war recovery of the city.
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Telmessos. Honorary decree for Ptolemy son of Lysimachos
ἀγαθῆι τύχηι.
[βα]σιλεύοντος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Πτολε-
[μ]α̣ίου καὶ Ἀρσινόης θεῶν Ἀδελφῶν ἔτους
[ἑβδ]όμου μηνὸς Δύστρου ἐφ’ ἱερέως Θεοδό-
5[το]υ τοῦ Ἡρακλείδου, δευτέραι, ἐκκλησίας κυ-
[ρί]α̣ς γενομένης, ἔδοξε Τελμησσέων
[τ]ῆι πόλει· ἐπειδὴ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λυσιμά-
[χ]ου παραλαβὼν τὴν πόλιν παρὰ βασιλέ-
[ως Π]τολεμαίου τοῦ Πτολεμαίου κακῶς
10[διακει]μένην διὰ τοὺς πολέμους ἔν τε τοῖ[ς]
[ἄλλοις] ἐπιμελόμενος διατελεῖ κοινῆι τε τῶν
[πολιτ]ῶν καὶ ἰδίαι ἑκάστου [κ]αὶ ὁρῶν ἐν πᾶσιν
[θλιβο]μένους ἀφεῖκεν ἀτελεῖς τῶν τε ξυλί-
[νων] καρπῶν καὶ ἐννομίων, ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ τῆς
15[σιτ]ηρᾶς ἀπομοίρας καὶ ὀσπρίων πάντων καὶ κέ[ν(?)-]
[χρ]ου καὶ ἐλύμου καὶ σησάμου καὶ θέρμων, πρό-
[τε]ρον τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς, κατὰ τὸν
[νό]μον τελεῖν δεκάτην μετροῦντας NATA
[τῶ]ι τε γεωργῶι καὶ τῶι δεκατώνηι, τῶν δὲ λο[ι-]
20[π]ῶ̣ν τῶν συνκυρόντων τῆι σιτηρᾶι ἀπομ[οί-]
[ραι] ἀ̣φῆκεν πάντων ἀτελεῖς· δεδόχθαι Τελ-
[μη]σσεῦσιν ἐπαινέσαι τε Π̣τολεμαῖον ἐπὶ π̣[ᾶ-]
[σι(?)]ν εὐνοίας ἕνεκεν ἣν ἔχων διατελεῖ εἰς τὴν̣
[πό]λιν τὴν Τελμησσέων καὶ ἱδρύσασθαι ὑ-
25[πὲ]ρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Σωτῆρι βωμὸν ἐν τῆι ἀγορᾶι ἐν
[τῶ]ι ἐπιφανεστάτωι τόπω[ι] καὶ θύειν κατ’ ἐνια[υ-]
[τὸ]ν ἐν μηνὶ Δύστρωι τῆι ἑνδεκάτηι βοῦν τρι-
[έ]τ̣ην, συμπορεύεσθαι δὲ πάντας τοὺς π[ο-]
[λ]ί̣τας καὶ τοὺς παροίκους ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν· ἐὰν̣
30[δὲ] μὴ συντελῆι ὁ ἄρχων καὶ οἱ πολῖται τὴν
[θυ]σ̣ίαν κατ’ ἐνιαυτόν, ἁμαρτωλοὶ ἔστωσαν
[θεῶ]ν πάντων καὶ ἀποτ<ι>νέτω ὁ ἄρχων ἱερὰς
[τοῦ] Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος δραχ̣μὰς χιλίας, ἐὰ[ν]
[μ]ὴ̣ διὰ πόλεμον εἴργηται τὴν θυσίαν συν̣-
35[τελεῖ]ν· τὸ δὲ ψήφισμα τοῦτο ἀναγραψάτω ὁ ἄρ-
[χω]ν εἰς στήλην λιθίνην καὶ στησάτω ἐν τῶι
[τῆ]ς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῶι ἐν τῶ[ι] ἐπιφανεστάτωι τό-
[πω]ι, τὸ δὲ γενόμενον ἀνήλωμα ἀνενενκάτ[ω]
τ̣ῆι πόλει.
[βα]σιλεύοντος Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Πτολε-
[μ]α̣ίου καὶ Ἀρσινόης θεῶν Ἀδελφῶν ἔτους
[ἑβδ]όμου μηνὸς Δύστρου ἐφ’ ἱερέως Θεοδό-
5[το]υ τοῦ Ἡρακλείδου, δευτέραι, ἐκκλησίας κυ-
[ρί]α̣ς γενομένης, ἔδοξε Τελμησσέων
[τ]ῆι πόλει· ἐπειδὴ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λυσιμά-
[χ]ου παραλαβὼν τὴν πόλιν παρὰ βασιλέ-
[ως Π]τολεμαίου τοῦ Πτολεμαίου κακῶς
10[διακει]μένην διὰ τοὺς πολέμους ἔν τε τοῖ[ς]
[ἄλλοις] ἐπιμελόμενος διατελεῖ κοινῆι τε τῶν
[πολιτ]ῶν καὶ ἰδίαι ἑκάστου [κ]αὶ ὁρῶν ἐν πᾶσιν
[θλιβο]μένους ἀφεῖκεν ἀτελεῖς τῶν τε ξυλί-
[νων] καρπῶν καὶ ἐννομίων, ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ τῆς
15[σιτ]ηρᾶς ἀπομοίρας καὶ ὀσπρίων πάντων καὶ κέ[ν(?)-]
[χρ]ου καὶ ἐλύμου καὶ σησάμου καὶ θέρμων, πρό-
[τε]ρον τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς, κατὰ τὸν
[νό]μον τελεῖν δεκάτην μετροῦντας NATA
[τῶ]ι τε γεωργῶι καὶ τῶι δεκατώνηι, τῶν δὲ λο[ι-]
20[π]ῶ̣ν τῶν συνκυρόντων τῆι σιτηρᾶι ἀπομ[οί-]
[ραι] ἀ̣φῆκεν πάντων ἀτελεῖς· δεδόχθαι Τελ-
[μη]σσεῦσιν ἐπαινέσαι τε Π̣τολεμαῖον ἐπὶ π̣[ᾶ-]
[σι(?)]ν εὐνοίας ἕνεκεν ἣν ἔχων διατελεῖ εἰς τὴν̣
[πό]λιν τὴν Τελμησσέων καὶ ἱδρύσασθαι ὑ-
25[πὲ]ρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Σωτῆρι βωμὸν ἐν τῆι ἀγορᾶι ἐν
[τῶ]ι ἐπιφανεστάτωι τόπω[ι] καὶ θύειν κατ’ ἐνια[υ-]
[τὸ]ν ἐν μηνὶ Δύστρωι τῆι ἑνδεκάτηι βοῦν τρι-
[έ]τ̣ην, συμπορεύεσθαι δὲ πάντας τοὺς π[ο-]
[λ]ί̣τας καὶ τοὺς παροίκους ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν· ἐὰν̣
30[δὲ] μὴ συντελῆι ὁ ἄρχων καὶ οἱ πολῖται τὴν
[θυ]σ̣ίαν κατ’ ἐνιαυτόν, ἁμαρτωλοὶ ἔστωσαν
[θεῶ]ν πάντων καὶ ἀποτ<ι>νέτω ὁ ἄρχων ἱερὰς
[τοῦ] Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος δραχ̣μὰς χιλίας, ἐὰ[ν]
[μ]ὴ̣ διὰ πόλεμον εἴργηται τὴν θυσίαν συν̣-
35[τελεῖ]ν· τὸ δὲ ψήφισμα τοῦτο ἀναγραψάτω ὁ ἄρ-
[χω]ν εἰς στήλην λιθίνην καὶ στησάτω ἐν τῶι
[τῆ]ς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερῶι ἐν τῶ[ι] ἐπιφανεστάτωι τό-
[πω]ι, τὸ δὲ γενόμενον ἀνήλωμα ἀνενενκάτ[ω]
τ̣ῆι πόλει.
With good fortune.
In the reign of Ptolemy (III) son of Ptolemy (II) and Arsinoe, the Brother-Sister Gods, in the seventh year, on the second day of the month Dystrus, under the priesthood of Theodotus son of Heraclides, at a plenary meeting of the assembly, resolved by the city of Telmessos:
since Ptolemy son of Lysimachus, when he took over the city from King Ptolemy son of Ptolemy (and found it) in a bad [condition] because of the wars, and (since) in [other matters] he continues to show care publicly for the [citizens] and in private for each individual, and seeing that the citizens were [hard pressed] in every way, he granted them exemption from [taxes] on the products of trees and pasturing; and whereas previously they were harshly taxed on the grain dues, all pulses, millet, sesame and lupine, he made them pay a tithe in accordance with the law, measuring out [ - - - to the] farmer and the collector of the tithe, and he exempted (them) from all the other taxes attached to the [tax] on grain;
be it resolved by the people of Telmessos, to praise Ptolemy for the goodwill in all circumstances (?) which he continuously shows towards the city of Telmessos, and to set up on his [behalf] an altar to Zeus the Saviour in the most conspicuous place in the agora, and to sacrifice every year on the 11th of the month Dystrus a three-year-old ox; all the citizens and the resident foreigners (paroikoi) shall assemble together for the sacrifice.
[And] if the magistrate (archon) and the citizens do not perform the sacrifice every year, they shall be guilty in the eyes of all the [gods], and the magistrate shall be fined 1,000 drachmas which shall be consecrated to Zeus the Saviour, [unless] he is [prevented] by war from [performing] the sacrifice.
The magistrate shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and place it in the sanctuary of Artemis in the most conspicuous place, and the resulting expense shall be charged to the city.
(translation by Austin, The Hellenistic World, slightly modified) Commentary:
For the identification of the honored Ptolemy with the son of Lysimachos the Diadoch, born at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC and rival of Ptolemy Keraunos for the Macedonian kingdom see Holleaux 1942, 364ff. For his early biography see Trog. Prol. 24, Iust. 24.2.10-3.1.10, Porph. FGrHist 260 F 3.10-11 (succession to the Macedonian throne); SEG 25 516 (dedication of a statue of Arsinoe II by Ptolemy on his father’s behalf), Holleaux 1942, 397-402 (dedications to Delos). This identification is accepted by most scholars since Segre 1938, revisited the epigraphical evidence concerning Ptolemy and his family. An honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy’s friend Leimon (ca. 265-256 BC, Segre 1938, 183) testifies to the prominent role played at Telmessos by the former already before the mid-3rd cent. BC. Another honorary decree from Telmessos dated 220 BC testifies to the epistolary intercession of a certain Lysimachos – most likely Ptolemy’s son – for Aristeas son of Kleandros (Segre 1936, 359). The so-called ‘Eriza decree’ issued by Antiochos III (C.B. Welles, RC 36-37; see Robert 1949, 5-18 for dating to 193 BC) appoints as priestess of the divine Laodike a certain Berenike, daughter of another Ptolemy son of Lysimachos, who is probably the grandson of the Ptolemy mentioned in the inscription under consideration. Most likely, the same individual is recorded by Livy among the terms of the Peace of Apameia (37.56.4-5) as former owner of an ager, although the interpretation of the passage is controversial (see esp. Magie 1950, 763-764; Wörrle 1978, 221-222; and, with good points, Domingo Gygax 2001, 201-206). Before Apameia, this last Ptolemy son of Lysimachos seems to have sold plots of land to the Kardakes – military colonists of Antiochos III – as can be inferred from a letter of Eumenes II (for further details see Segre 1938, 190-208); finally, he is recorded as the dedicator of a phiale at Delos in 189/8 BC (I.Délos 442 B 94-95).
The decree from Telmessos shows that Ptolemy obtained (παραλαβών, l. 8) the city from the king Ptolemy III in 240 BC, just after the 3rd Syriac War (246-241 BC), which is possibly referred to in l. 10. The abovementioned documents testify to the pre-eminent position held by Ptolemy already in the twenty years preceding the decree and then by his family at least until his second descendant Ptolemy. The Ptolemy in this text is praised for having promoted an important fiscal reform which abolished or reduced taxes on local products. Considering that Ptolemaic fiscal policies were normally taken care of by the διοικητής helped by a ὑποδιοικητής and several local οἰκονόμοι (see Bagnall 1976); for the situation in Ptolemaic Lycia: P.Tebt. 8.15-18, 29-33; Wörrle 1977, 43-66 and Wörrle 2010, 359-396), Ptolemy’s reform is characterized by a high level of autonomy, which resembles that of high Ptolemaic officials (see Savalli 1987). At the same time, Ptolemy can be compared to the Hellenistic dynasts because of the position maintained by his family at Telmessos for a long time and because he minted coins marked by his initials ΠΤ (see Hill 1923, and Hill 1933). However, the official Ptolemaic dating form of the honorary decree makes it unlikely that the city was subject to a dynastic power independent from the Ptolemaic kingdom. Therefore, Ptolemy of Telmessos can more likely be seen as the recipient of a royal gift, i.e. a δωρεά, which consists of the city itself. The holder of a δωρεά formally acts like a monarch and retains strong political power in his own territory, without the king’s sovereignty being dismantled. He is also entitled to the fruits of his territory through collection of taxes, but at the same time he is compelled to send part of the income to the king (for δωρεά in Ptolemaic documents see e.g. P.Cair.Zen. 59206.61-68, 59352; P.Enteuxeis 60; P.Rev. 43.11-18; etc., with Criscuolo 2001). The δωρεά-hypothesis is supported by another honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy II dated 282/1 BC, in which the king is praised for promising not to hand the city over as a δωρεά: according to this interpretation (Wörrle 1978, contra Meadows 2012) Ptolemy III would have simply realized a project that his predecessor Ptolemy II had set aside. When Antiochos III conquered the city in 197/6, the extension of the δωρεά was likely reduced to the ager held by Ptolemy the grandson mentioned by Livy, while the new Syrian king exercised full sovereignty on the rest of Telmessos (see Wörrle 1979, 83-111 for a royal letter attributed to Antiochos).
According to Ptolemy’s fiscal reform, the Telmessian citizens are granted tax exemption (ἀτέλεια) on the products of trees (ξύλινοι καρποί) and pasture land (this is the exact meaning of the plural ἐννόμια, while the corresponding tax is called ἐννόμιον; basically the reform grants the free right of pasturage, ἐπινομία). Then the reform introduces a change in fiscal exaction concerning grain dues (σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα), all kinds of pulses, millet, sesame and lupine (ὄσπρια, κέγχρος, ἔλυμος, σήσαμον, θέρμοι): while prior to the reform the citizens were subject to heavier taxation (this is the meaning of the expression τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς, l. 17), after it a normative and regular situation (κατὰ τὸν νόμον), which should be deemed as pre-existing, is re-established. According to this νόμος the citizens are expected to pay a tithe on the above mentioned foodstuffs: the payment is regulated by a procedure of measuring, which however cannot be defined better due to a mistake of the engraver (μετροῦντας NATA, l. 18: no proposed emendation is satisfactory). Considering the two following datives in l. 19, [τῶ]ι τε γεωργῶι καὶ τῶι δεκατώνηι, it can be inferred that the measurement of the tithe had to be performed in conditions of parity and frankness both for the contributor and the collector, so that nobody paid or collected more or less than the due amount. Finally Ptolemy grants the exemption on the «remaining taxes which pertain» (τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ συγκύροντα, l. 20) to the σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα, i.e. on additional fees to the grain tax, which probably refer to the chaff and the forage derived from the harvest (see Schuler 2004, 532).
Unfortunately we know nothing about Ptolemaic taxation in Telmessos before Ptolemy’s reform. Nevertheless, we can easily affirm that royal taxes, not civic ones, are concerned in the decree, since a public praising for reduction and exemption would have otherwise been meaningless. In order to make this point clearer, an excellent comparison can be drawn with the case of Herakleia at Latmos, the citizens of which asked Antiochos III to maintain the benefits deriving from certain kinds of income – SEG 37 859 B15-17, C1: ὅπως ὑπάρχῃ <.. ? ..> | τὰ τέλη καὶ ἔγγαια καὶ τὰ εἰσαγώγια καὶ ἐξαγώγ[ια | - - - - - - - - - - | πρ]ᾶσις – and at the same time to be exempted from taxation on land products, pasturage and hives – ibid. C4-5: ἀξιώσοντας δὲ καὶ ἀτέλειαν συγχωρῆσαι τῶν τε ἐκ τῆς γῆς καρπῶν πάν|των καὶ τοῦ ἐννομίου τῶν τε κτηνῶν καὶ τῶν σμηνῶν: this different approach suggests indeed that the first request concerned civic taxation and the second one royal taxation (on this case, with further notes on the rest of the text, cf. Chankowski 2007, 326-327, and in general 322-328 for the relations between civic and royal fiscal matters in Hellenistic Asia Minor). Among the taxes mentioned in the Telmessian decree, the ἀπόμοιρα and the δεκάτη deserve further comment. The first one is known in Ptolemaic Egypt with the name ἕκτη since 263 BC and with the name ἀπόμοιρα since the so-called ‘Revenue Laws’ issued by Ptolemy II (259/8 BC). It consists of one-sixth (or exceptionally one-tenth) of the amount of the products of vineyards and gardens, allocated to the worship of the divine Arsinoe II (see Mahaffy 1939; Préaux 1939, 171-181; Clarysse, Vandorpe 1998; and Bingen 2007, 169-170). For further evidence of this duty see SEG 12 550 (Ptolemaic Cyprus), Robert, Sinuri 73 (late Hecatomnid age), Wörrle, (Wurster) 1997, 447-449 (a σειτικὴ ἀπόμοιρα in 2nd-cent. AD Lycia). The tithe is considered by [Arist.] Oec. 1345b 28 ff. as the most important source of income in satrapal economy and is attested in several documents during the period of the Hellenistic kingdoms; as SEG 36 1216 shows, it was exacted in Lycia during the Hecatomnid age. The fact that Ptolemy did not abolish the tithe suggests that it was the part of the whole income of the δωρεά owed to the king. For a hypothesis regarding the continuity from Achaemenid to Hellenistic fees in Asia Minor see Corsaro 1985, 84-85.
In my opinion the very reason for the economic breakdown of Telmessos was the war preceding the institution of the δωρεά. In the text of the decree the fiscal reform is strongly connected to the desperate situation in which Ptolemy obtained the city as a gift (ll. 9-13, with the excellent integrations κακῶς [διακει]μένην and [θλιβο]μένους), and ll. 33-35 show that the people of Telmessos deeply felt war as an impending threat over their community. Since there is no evidence of battles in the vicinity of Telmessos during the 3rd Syriac War, it is worth considering that by virtue of its fertility the city may have been exploited as a supply center for the Ptolemaic army, or even – we may carefully suggest – destined to the quartering of the troops (or the stationing of the fleet: it should be remembered, indeed, that the city enjoyed a favorable geographical position and was endowed with a good harbor; see Wörrle 1980, 63-72). Moreover, there is evidence that a Hellenistic king, most likely Antiochos III, granted Telmessos the ἀνεπισταθμεία (Wörrle 1979, 83-111; see also above), i.e. the exemption from the duty of billeting, which suggests that previously the city could actually have been exploited for this purpose. Not only is such a context (exploitation of Telmessian products for the supply of the army, possible billeting) fully coherent with the state of deep distress in which the city was found by Ptolemy, but it would explain well why the fiscal reform concerns only foodstuffs and pasturage and why it restores a normative situation for the exaction of the tithe (ll. 17-19). During wartime the regular tax exaction could have turned into a roughly irregular and heavier collection due to the emergency of the moment. The expression πρό|[τε]ρον τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς reveals that it was perceived as oppressive and almost unlawful. The lack of control on collection possibly led to abuses (cf. Domingo Gygax 2001, 182): hence the necessity to re-establish the correct procedure of exaction for the tithe at ll. 17-19. In general, for the impact of war on agriculture and, more specifically, of troop-billeting on Hellenistic communities, see Chaniotis 2008, 121-129, with discussion of relevant cases and bibliography. If this reconstruction is true, it is possible to affirm that the main purpose of Ptolemy’s economic reform was actually the post-war recovery of the city.
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Wörrle, M. (and Wurster W.W.) (1997), 'Dereköy: Eine befestigte Siedlung im nordwestlichen Lykien und die Reform ihres dörflichen Zeuskultes', Chiron 27, 447-449 Author: Marco Santini Last update: January 2017 DOI: 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI037
TM Number:
113276
Author: Marco Santini
Last Update: January 2017
DOI: 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI037
1<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?> 2<?oxygen RNGSchema="http://www.stoa.org/epidoc/schema/latest/tei-epidoc.rng" type="xml"?> 3<TEI xmlns="http://www.tei-c.org/ns/1.0" xml:lang="en"> 4 <teiHeader> 5 <fileDesc> 6 <titleStmt> 7 <title>Telmessos. Honorary decree for Ptolemy son of Lysimachos</title> 8 <editor>Donatella Erdas</editor> 9 <editor>Anna Magnetto</editor> 10 <editor>Marco Santini</editor> 11 </titleStmt> 12 <publicationStmt> 13 <authority>Laboratory of Computer Sciences for Ancient Languages, Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa</authority> 14 <idno type="filename">GEI037</idno> 15 <availability><p>for internal use only</p></availability> 16 </publicationStmt> 17 <sourceDesc> 18 <ab>Aimed for 19 <bibl xml:id="ErdMagCS"><author>D. Erdas</author>, <author>A. Magnetto</author>, 20 <title>Corpus delle iscrizioni economiche greche</title> in c.s.</bibl>; 21 this version born digital</ab> 22 <ab> 23 <msDesc> 24 <msIdentifier/> 25 26 <physDesc> 27 <objectDesc> 28 <supportDesc> 29 <support> 30 <p> 31 <material>White-marble</material> <objectType>stele</objectType> with surmounting pediment and base, slightly broken on both sides and already cut in half vertically when discovered. <dimensions><height unit="metre" quantity="1" precision="low"> 1</height> <width unit="metre" quantity="0.41"> 0.41</width> <depth unit="metre" quantity="0.105"> 0.105</depth></dimensions> 32 </p> 33 </support> 34 </supportDesc> 35 <layoutDesc> 36 <layout>No peculiarities. Formula <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀγαθῆι τύχηι </foreign>centered at the top of the decree text</layout> 37 </layoutDesc> 38 </objectDesc> 39 <handDesc> 40 <handNote>Hellenistic koinè. Letters <height unit="metre" quantity="0.01"> 0.01</height></handNote> 41 </handDesc> 42 </physDesc> 43 44 <history> 45 <origin> 46 <ab><origPlace>Originally located in the sanctuary of Artemis at <placeName>Telmessos</placeName>, as can be inferred from l. 37</origPlace></ab> 47 <ab><origDate notBefore="-0240" notAfter="-0240" precision="high" cert="high" evidence="internal-date">issued in the seventh year of the kingdom of Ptolemy (i.e. Ptolemy III) son of Ptolemy (II) and Arsinoe (240 BC), on the second day of the month Dystros (February: Dittenberger <foreign xml:lang="La">et alii</foreign>; May-June: Sherk), under the priesthood of Theodotos</origDate></ab> 48 49 </origin> 50 <provenance> 51 <listEvent> 52 <event type="found"> 53 <p>Found in 1889 by V. Bérard and M. Fougères in the village of <placeName>Makri</placeName>, ancient <placeName>Telmessos</placeName>, current <placeName>Fethiye</placeName></p> 54 </event> 55 <event type="observed"> 56 <p>The stone was transferred in 1890 to J. Louisidès’s house at <placeName>Makri</placeName>, where it was copied by E. Kalinka in 1892, with the two halves still sticking together.</p> 57 </event> 58 <event type="observed"> 59 <p>At some time before 1933 the right half was carried to the <placeName>Izmir</placeName> Museum. No extant traces of the left half</p> 60 </event> 61 </listEvent> 62 </provenance> 63 </history> 64 65 </msDesc> 66 </ab> 67 </sourceDesc> 68 </fileDesc> 69 70 <encodingDesc> 71 <p>Marked-up according to the EpiDoc Guidelines and Schema, version 8</p> 72 <projectDesc> 73 <p>Sample for a Corpus of Greek Economical Inscriptions</p> 74 </projectDesc> 75 </encodingDesc> 76 <profileDesc> 77 <langUsage> 78 <language ident="grc">Ancient Greek</language> 79 <language ident="la">Latin</language> 80 <language ident="grc-Latn">Transliterated Greek</language> 81 <language ident="en">English</language> 82 <language ident="it">Italian</language> 83 <language ident="fr">French</language> 84 <language ident="de">German</language> 85 </langUsage> 86 <textClass> 87 88 <keywords scheme="subject"> 89 <term>Ptolemaic administration</term> 90 <term>royal taxation</term> 91 <term>taxation</term> 92 <term>tax exemption</term> 93 <term>fiscal privileges</term> 94 <term>fiscal oppression</term> 95 <term>fiscal reform</term> 96 <term>fiscality</term> 97 <term>dorea</term> 98 <term>billeting</term> 99 </keywords> 100 <keywords scheme="type"> 101 <term>honorary decree</term> 102 <term>decree</term> 103 </keywords> 104 <keywords scheme="context"> 105 <term>sanctuary</term> 106 </keywords> 107 108 </textClass> 109 </profileDesc> 110 </teiHeader> 111 <text> 112 <body> 113 114 <div type="bibliography" subtype="referenceEdition"> 115 <head>Reference edition</head> 116 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">E. Kalinka, <title level="m">TAM</title> II/1</ref>, 1</bibl> 117 </div> 118 119 <div type="bibliography" subtype="editions"> 120 <head>Other editions</head> 121 <bibl>ed. pr. <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2116">Bérard 1890, 162-167</ref>;</bibl> 122 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2117">Strack 1897</ref>, 236, no. 51 (only lines 1-10, without division marks);</bibl> 123 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0128">C. Michel, <title level="m">Recueil</title></ref> 547;</bibl> 124 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2118">W. Dittenberger, <title level="m">OGIS</title></ref> 55;</bibl> 125 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2119">Kotsidu 2000</ref>, no. 290 (Kalinka’s text with German translation);</bibl> 126 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2120">Domingo Gygax 2001</ref>, 143-199 (Kalinka’s text with German translation and commentary);</bibl> 127 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2020">Chandezon 2003</ref>, 251-258, no. 63 (Kalinka’s text with apparatus criticus and French translation)</bibl> 128 </div> 129 130 <div type="bibliography" subtype="illustrations"> 131 <head>Photographs</head> 132 <bibl>Fac-simile of the entire monument in <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">E. Kalinka, <title level="m">TAM</title> II/1</ref>;</bibl> 133 <bibl>photo of the right half of the stone in <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2121">Robert 1933</ref>, 491, tav. XXX B,</bibl> 134 <bibl>and <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2122">Segre 1938</ref>, 187 fig. 2</bibl> 135 </div> 136 137 <div type="bibliography" subtype="translations"> 138 <head>Translations</head> 139 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2123">Austin 1981</ref>, no. 271 [Cambridge 2006<edition>2</edition>, no. 270] (in English);</bibl> 140 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2124">Burstein 1985</ref>, no. 100 (in English);</bibl> 141 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2119">Kotsidu 2000</ref>, no. 290 (in German);</bibl> 142 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0075">Bertrand 1992</ref>, no. 103 (in French);</bibl> 143 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2120">Domingo Gygax 2001</ref>, 143 ff. (in German);</bibl> 144 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2020">Chandezon 2003</ref>, 251-258, no. 63 (in French);</bibl> 145 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2125">Sartre 2003</ref>, 62 [Paris 2004<edition>2</edition>, 63] (in French);</bibl> 146 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0144">Migeotte 2003a</ref> [repr. 2014], 177 no. 4 (in Italian; transl. by U. Fantasia)</bibl> 147 </div> 148 149 <div type="bibliography" subtype="other"> 150 <head>Bibliography</head> 151 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2126">(further references will be provided in the commentary below) Wilhelm 1894</ref>, 911;</bibl> 152 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2059">Wilhelm 1898</ref>, 209-211;</bibl> 153 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2127">Holleaux 1942</ref>, 364-404;</bibl> 154 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2128">Mahaffy 1896, LII-LV</ref>;</bibl> 155 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2129">Laqueur 1904</ref>, 82-89;</bibl> 156 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2130">Sokoloff 1904</ref>, 107-110;</bibl> 157 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2131">Rostovtzeff 1910</ref>, 278-279;</bibl> 158 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2132">von Stern 1915</ref>, 427-444;</bibl> 159 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2133">Rostovtzeff 1922</ref>, 42-55;</bibl> 160 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2134">Pridik 1932</ref>, 72-85;</bibl> 161 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2121">Robert 1933</ref>, 491;</bibl> 162 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2135">Hill 1923, 211 ff.</ref> [<foreign xml:lang="la">non vidi</foreign>];</bibl> 163 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2136">Hill 1933, 229-230</ref>;</bibl> 164 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2137">Segre 1936</ref>, 359-368;</bibl> 165 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2138">Kalinka 1936, 148-152</ref>;</bibl> 166 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2122">Segre 1938</ref>, 181-208;</bibl> 167 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2139">Rostovtzeff 1941</ref>, 336-337;</bibl> 168 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2140">Magie 1950</ref>, II, 762-764;</bibl> 169 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2141">Bengtson 1964-1965</ref>, 324-325;</bibl> 170 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2142">Bagnall 1976</ref>;</bibl> 171 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2143">Huss 1976</ref>, 192, 203-204;</bibl> 172 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2152">Huss 1998, 229-250</ref> (esp. 245-247);</bibl> 173 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2144">Wörrle 1978, 201-246</ref>;</bibl> 174 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2145">Piejko 1980</ref>, 260 note 14;</bibl> 175 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2146">Piejko 1982</ref>, 99 note 8;</bibl> 176 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2147">Savalli 1987, 129-137</ref>;</bibl> 177 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2148">Sherk 1992</ref>, 225-226;</bibl> 178 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2149">Bertrand 2005, 39-49</ref>;</bibl> 179 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2150">Billows 1995</ref>, 100-104, 110;</bibl> 180 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2151">Kobes 1996</ref>, 78-80, 241-244, 253-255;</bibl> 181 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2153">Papazoglou 1997</ref>, 100-104, 122-123, 180-181;</bibl> 182 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2154">Behrwald 2000</ref>, 63-68;</bibl> 183 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2120">Domingo Gygax 2001</ref>, 143-199, 201-206;</bibl> 184 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2155">Migeotte 2003b, 297-313</ref> (esp. 306-308);</bibl> 185 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2156">Tietz 2003</ref>, 308-310;</bibl> 186 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl21547">Huss 2011</ref>, 161-166, 238-239;</bibl> 187 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2024">Migeotte 2014</ref>, 404</bibl> 188 </div> 189 190 <div type="bibliography" subtype="other"> 191 <head>Critical notes</head> 192 <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 12 502, 32 1310, 37 1229, 40 1279, 47 2357, 48 1560, 50 1716, 51 1835, 52 1753, 53 1363, 53 2144;</bibl> 193 <bibl>R. Flacelière, J. et L. Robert, <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1999"><title level="j">BE</title></ref> 1939 380-381;</bibl> 194 <bibl>J. et L. Robert, <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1999"><title level="j">BE</title></ref> 1954 230; 1967 573;</bibl> 195 <bibl>P. Gauthier, <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1999"><title level="j">BE</title></ref> 1988 434; 2004 97;</bibl> 196 <bibl>D. Rousset, <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1999"><title level="j">BE</title></ref> 2013 396</bibl> 197 </div> 198 199 <div type="edition" xml:lang="grc" xml:space="preserve"> 200 <ab> 201 <lb n="1"/><w lemma="ἀγαθός">ἀγαθῆι</w> <w lemma="τύχη">τύχηι</w>. 202 <lb n="2"/><w lemma="βασιλεύω"><supplied reason="lost">βα</supplied>σιλεύοντος</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0248"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος">Πτολεμαίου</w></name> <w lemma="ὁ">τοῦ</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0249"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος">Πτολε<lb n="3" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">μ</supplied><unclear>α</unclear>ίου</w></name></persName> 203 <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0250"><name nymRef="Ἀρσινόη"><w lemma="Ἀρσινόη">Ἀρσινόης</w></name></persName> <persName type="divine" ref="GEIListPers/#div0019"><name nymRef="Θεοὶ Ἀδελφοί"><w lemma="θεός">θεῶν</w> <w 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reason="lost">τ</supplied>ῆι</w> <w lemma="πόλις">πόλει</w>· <w lemma="ἐπειδή">ἐπειδὴ</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0253"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος">Πτολεμαῖος</w></name> <w lemma="ὁ">ὁ</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0254"><name nymRef="Λυσίμαχος"><w lemma="Λυσίμαχος">Λυσιμά<lb n="8" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">χ</supplied>ου</w></name></persName></persName> 208 <w lemma="παραλαμβάνω">παραλαβὼν</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴν</w> <w lemma="πόλις">πόλιν</w> <w lemma="παρά">παρὰ</w> <w lemma="βασιλεύς">βασιλέ<lb n="9" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">ως</supplied></w> 209 <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0248"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος"><supplied reason="lost">Π</supplied>τολεμαίου</w></name> <w lemma="ὁ">τοῦ</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0249"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος">Πτολεμαίου</w></name></persName></persName> <w lemma="κακός">κακῶς</w> 210 <lb 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reason="lost">ραι</supplied></w></rs> 221 <w lemma="ἀφίημι"><unclear>ἀ</unclear>φῆκεν</w> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντων</w> <rs type="economic"><w lemma="ἀτελής">ἀτελεῖς</w></rs>· <w lemma="δοκέω">δεδόχθαι</w> <rs ref="GEIListPlace/#plc0102" type="ethnic"><w lemma="Τελμησσεύς">Τελ<lb n="22" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">μη</supplied>σσεῦσιν</w></rs> 222 <w lemma="ἐπαινέω">ἐπαινέσαι</w> <w lemma="τε">τε</w> <persName type="private" ref="GEIListPers/#pvt0253"><name nymRef="Πτολεμαῖος"><w lemma="Πτολεμαῖος"><unclear>Π</unclear>τολεμαῖον</w></name></persName> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="πᾶς"><unclear>π</unclear><supplied reason="lost">ᾶ</supplied><lb n="23" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost" cert="low">σι</supplied>ν</w> 223 <w lemma="εὔνοια">εὐνοίας</w> <w lemma="ἕνεκα">ἕνεκεν</w> <w lemma="ὅς">ἣν</w> <w lemma="ἔχω">ἔχων</w> <w lemma="διατελέω">διατελεῖ</w> <w lemma="εἰς">εἰς</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴ<unclear>ν</unclear></w> 224 <lb n="24"/><w lemma="πόλις"><supplied reason="lost">πό</supplied>λιν</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴν</w> <rs ref="GEIListPlace/#plc0102" type="ethnic"><w lemma="Τελμησσεύς">Τελμησσέων</w></rs> <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ἱδρύω">ἱδρύσασθαι</w> <w lemma="ὑπέρ">ὑ<lb n="25" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">πὲ</supplied>ρ</w> 225 <w lemma="αὐτός">αὐτοῦ</w> <persName type="divine" ref="GEIListPers/#div0020"><name nymRef="Ζεὺς Σωτήρ"><w lemma="Ζεύς">Διὶ</w> <w lemma="σωτήρ">Σωτῆρι</w></name></persName> <w lemma="βωμός">βωμὸν</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τῆι</w> <w lemma="ἀγορά">ἀγορᾶι</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> 226 <lb n="26"/><w lemma="ὁ"><supplied reason="lost">τῶ</supplied>ι</w> <w lemma="ἐπιφανής">ἐπιφανεστάτωι</w> <w lemma="τόπος">τόπω<supplied reason="lost">ι</supplied></w> <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <w lemma="θύω">θύειν</w> <w lemma="κατά">κατ’</w> <w lemma="ἐνιαυτός">ἐνια<supplied reason="lost">υ</supplied><lb n="27" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">τὸ</supplied>ν</w> 227 <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> <w lemma="μείς">μηνὶ</w> <w lemma="Δύστρος">Δύστρωι</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τῆι</w> <w lemma="ἑνδέκατος">ἑνδεκάτηι</w> <w lemma="βοῦς">βοῦν</w> <w lemma="τριέτης">τρι<lb n="28" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">έ</supplied><unclear>τ</unclear>ην</w>, 228 <w lemma="συμπορεύομαι">συμπορεύεσθαι</w> <w lemma="δέ">δὲ</w> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντας</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="πολίτης">π<supplied reason="lost">ο</supplied><lb n="29" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">λ</supplied><unclear>ί</unclear>τας</w> 229 <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τοὺς</w> <w lemma="πάροικος">παροίκους</w> <w lemma="ἐπί">ἐπὶ</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴν</w> <w lemma="θυσία">θυσίαν</w>· <w lemma="ἐάν">ἐὰ<unclear>ν</unclear></w> 230 <lb n="30"/><w lemma="δέ"><supplied reason="lost">δὲ</supplied></w> <w lemma="μή">μὴ</w> <w lemma="συντελέω">συντελῆι</w> <w lemma="ὁ">ὁ</w> <w lemma="ἄρχων">ἄρχων</w> <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ὁ">οἱ</w> <w lemma="πολίτης">πολῖται</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴν</w> 231 <lb n="31"/><w lemma="θυσιά"><supplied reason="lost">θυ</supplied><unclear>σ</unclear>ίαν</w> <w lemma="κατά">κατ’</w> <w lemma="ἐνιαυτός">ἐνιαυτόν</w>, <w lemma="ἀμαρτωλός">ἁμαρτωλοὶ</w> <w lemma="εἰμί">ἔστωσαν</w> 232 <lb n="32"/><w lemma="θεός"><supplied reason="lost">θεῶ</supplied>ν</w> <w lemma="πᾶς">πάντων</w> <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <rs type="economic"><w lemma="ἀποτίνω">ἀποτ<supplied reason="omitted">ι</supplied>νέτω</w></rs> <w lemma="ὁ">ὁ</w> <w lemma="ἄρχων">ἄρχων</w> <w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερὰς</w> 233 <lb n="33"/><w lemma="ὁ"><supplied reason="lost">τοῦ</supplied></w> <persName type="divine" ref="GEIListPers/#div0020"><name nymRef="Ζεὺς Σωτήρ"><w lemma="Ζεύς">Διὸς</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τοῦ</w> <w lemma="σωτήρ">Σωτῆρος</w></name></persName> <rs type="economic"><w lemma="δραχμή">δρα<unclear>χ</unclear>μὰς</w></rs> <w lemma="χίλιοι">χιλίας</w>, <w lemma="ἐάν">ἐὰ<supplied reason="lost">ν</supplied></w> 234 <lb n="34"/><w lemma="μή"><supplied reason="lost">μ</supplied><unclear>ὴ</unclear></w> <w lemma="διά">διὰ</w> <w lemma="πόλεμος">πόλεμον</w> <w lemma="ἔργω">εἴργηται</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τὴν</w> <w lemma="θυσία">θυσίαν</w> <w lemma="συντελέω">συ<unclear>ν</unclear><lb n="35" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">τελεῖ</supplied>ν</w>· 235 <w lemma="ὁ">τὸ</w> <w lemma="δέ">δὲ</w> <w lemma="ψήφισμα">ψήφισμα</w> <w lemma="οὖτος">τοῦτο</w> <w lemma="ἀναγράφω">ἀναγραψάτω</w> <w lemma="ὁ">ὁ</w> <w lemma="ἄρχων">ἄρ<lb n="36" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">χω</supplied>ν</w> 236 <w lemma="εἰς">εἰς</w> <w lemma="στήλη">στήλην</w> <w lemma="λίθινος">λιθίνην</w> <w lemma="καί">καὶ</w> <w lemma="ἵστημι">στησάτω</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τῶι</w> 237 <lb n="37"/><w lemma="ὁ"><supplied reason="lost">τῆ</supplied>ς</w> <persName type="divine" ref="GEIListPers/#div0012"><name nymRef="Ἄρτεμις"><w lemma="Ἄρτεμις">Ἀρτέμιδος</w></name></persName> <w lemma="ἱερός">ἱερῶι</w> <w lemma="ἐν">ἐν</w> <w lemma="ὁ">τῶ<supplied reason="lost">ι</supplied></w> <w lemma="ἐπιφανής">ἐπιφανεστάτωι</w> <w lemma="τόπος">τό<lb n="38" break="no"/><supplied reason="lost">πω</supplied>ι</w>, 238 <w lemma="ὁ">τὸ</w> <w lemma="δέ">δὲ</w> <w lemma="γίγνομαι">γενόμενον</w> <rs type="economic"><w lemma="ἀνάλωμα">ἀνήλωμα</w></rs> <rs type="economic"><w lemma="ἀναφέρω">ἀνενενκάτ<supplied reason="lost">ω</supplied></w></rs> 239 <lb n="39"/><w lemma="ὁ"><unclear>τ</unclear>ῆι</w> <w lemma="πόλις">πόλει</w>. 240 </ab> 241 </div> 242 243 <div type="apparatus" xml:lang="la"> 244 <head>Apparatus criticus</head> 245 <p> 246 l. 4: <foreign xml:lang="grc">Δύσ<supplied reason="lost">τ</supplied>ρου</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 247 l. 10: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">διακει</supplied>μένην</foreign> rest. Dittenberger : <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">ποιου</supplied>μένην</foreign> Berard. 248 l. 13: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">θλιβο</supplied>μένους</foreign> rest. Dittenberger : <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">ἐφθαρ</supplied>μένους</foreign> Bérard; <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀτε<supplied reason="lost">λε</supplied>ῖς</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger. 249 l. 14: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">ἐ</supplied>ποίησε</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 250 l. 15: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">σιτ</supplied>ῆρας</foreign> rest. Bérard, prob. Dittenberger : <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">οἰν</supplied>ηρᾶς</foreign> Mahaffy, Michel. 251 ll. 15-16: <foreign xml:lang="grc">κέ<supplied reason="lost" cert="low">ν|χρ</supplied>ου</foreign> rest. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">Kalinka (<title level="m">TAM</title> II)</ref></bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">κέ<supplied reason="lost">γ|χρ</supplied>ου</foreign> Dittenberger. 252 l. 18: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><orig>NATA</orig></foreign> lapis : <foreign xml:lang="grc">πάντα, αὐτά, νεατά</foreign> prop. Mahaffy, rei. Dittenberger : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ν<supplied reason="omitted">ε</supplied>ατά</foreign> Michel : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἔναντα</foreign> dub. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">Kalinka (<title level="m">TAM</title> II)</ref></bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ναστὰ <supplied reason="explanation">μέτρα</supplied></foreign> Arnim apud <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">Kalinka (<title level="m">TAM</title> II)</ref></bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">μετρ<corr>ῶ</corr>ν τὰ <corr>δίκαι</corr>α</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2131">Rostovtzeff, <title level="m">Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Kolonates</title></ref></bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">μετροῦντας <supplied reason="omitted">ἔ</supplied>νατα</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2138">Kalinka, <title level="j">WS</title>, 1936</ref>, p. 148</bibl>, rei. <bibl>Robert, <title level="m">Études Anatoliennes</title>, 404 n. 5</bibl> (cfr. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 12 502</bibl>) : <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="omitted">κατὰ τὰ δυ</supplied>νατά</foreign> <bibl>Segre, <title level="j">ASAA</title> 27-29, 1949-1951, 328-330</bibl>, rei. <bibl>Robert, <ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1999"><title level="j">BE</title></ref>, 1954, no. 230</bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">μετρ<corr>ῶν</corr> τὰ <corr>δέον</corr>τα</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2141">Bengtson, <title level="j">Kokalos</title>, 10-11, 1964-1965</ref>, 325 n. 15</bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">μετροῦντας <supplied reason="omitted">τὰ δυ</supplied>νατά</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2146">Piejko, <title level="j">Berytus</title>, 30, 1982</ref>, 99 n. 8</bibl> (cfr. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 32 1310</bibl>). 253 ll. 22-23: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ <unclear>π</unclear><supplied reason="lost" cert="low">ᾶ|σι</supplied>ν</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">Kalinka (<title level="m">TAM</title> II)</ref></bibl>, <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2145">Piejko, <title level="j">Gnomon</title>, 52, 1980</ref>, 260 n. 14</bibl>; rei. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2134">Pridik, <title level="j">Klio</title>, 25, 1932</ref>, 73</bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπι|<gap reason="lost" quantity="5" unit="character"/>ν</foreign> Bérard : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπιγ<gap reason="lost" quantity="2" unit="character"/>|<gap reason="lost" quantity="2" unit="character"/>ν</foreign> Dittenberger : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπι<supplied reason="lost">μελη|τήν</supplied></foreign> Michel, dub. seq. Sokoloff (qui autem prop. <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπι<supplied reason="lost">στρατεγός</supplied></foreign>), rei. Holleaux : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπίγ<supplied reason="lost">ο|νο</supplied>ν</foreign> Holleaux : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπίτ<supplied reason="lost">ροπον</supplied></foreign> Pridik, rei. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2121">Robert, <title level="j">BCH</title>, 57, 1933</ref>, 491</bibl> (ubi autem legendum esse <foreign xml:lang="grc"><orig>Γ</orig></foreign> vel <foreign xml:lang="grc"><orig>Π</orig></foreign> confirmat) : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ π<supplied reason="lost">λεῖο</supplied>ν</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2137">Segre, <title level="a">Un nuovo documento</title></ref>, 364</bibl>, rei. <bibl>Robert, <title level="m">Études Anatoliennes</title>, 404 n. 5</bibl>. 254 l. 26: <foreign xml:lang="grc">τόπωι</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 255 l. 29: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐάν</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 256 l. 32: <foreign xml:lang="grc"><orig>ΑΠΟΤΝΕΤΩ</orig></foreign> lapis : <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπο<supplied reason="lost">τι</supplied>ν<supplied reason="lost">έ</supplied>τω</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 257 l. 33: <foreign xml:lang="grc">Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος</foreign> <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2115">Kalinka (<title level="m">TAM</title> II)</ref></bibl> : <foreign xml:lang="grc">Διὸς Σωτῆρος</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 258 l. 34: <foreign xml:lang="grc">εἴ<supplied reason="lost">ργη</supplied>ται</foreign> Bérard, Dittenberger, Michel. 259 </p> 260 </div> 261 262 <div type="translation" xml:lang="en" xml:space="preserve"> 263 <head>Translation</head> 264 <lb/><p>With good fortune.</p> 265 <lb/><p>In the reign of Ptolemy <supplied reason="subaudible">III</supplied> son of Ptolemy <supplied reason="subaudible">II</supplied> and Arsinoe, the Brother-Sister Gods, in the seventh year, on the second day of the month Dystrus, under the priesthood of Theodotus son of Heraclides, at a plenary meeting of the assembly, resolved by the city of Telmessos:</p> 266 <lb/><p>since Ptolemy son of Lysimachus, when he took over the city from King Ptolemy son of Ptolemy <supplied reason="subaudible">and found it</supplied> in a bad <supplied reason="lost">condition</supplied> because of the wars, and <supplied reason="subaudible">since</supplied> in <supplied reason="lost">other matters</supplied> he continues to show care publicly for the <supplied reason="lost">citizens</supplied> and in private for each individual, and seeing that the citizens were <supplied reason="lost">hard pressed</supplied> in every way, he granted them exemption from <supplied reason="lost">taxes</supplied> on the products of trees and pasturing; and whereas previously they were harshly taxed on the grain dues, all pulses, millet, sesame and lupine, he made them pay a tithe in accordance with the law, measuring out <gap reason="lost" extent="unknown" unit="character"/><supplied reason="lost">to the</supplied> farmer and the collector of the tithe, and he exempted <supplied reason="subaudible">them</supplied> from all the other taxes attached to the <supplied reason="lost">tax</supplied> on grain;</p> 267 <lb/><p>be it resolved by the people of Telmessos, to praise Ptolemy for the goodwill in all circumstances <note>?</note> which he continuously shows towards the city of Telmessos, and to set up on his <supplied reason="lost">behalf</supplied> an altar to Zeus the Saviour in the most conspicuous place in the agora, and to sacrifice every year on the 11th of the month Dystrus a three-year-old ox; all the citizens and the resident foreigners (<foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">paroikoi</foreign>) shall assemble together for the sacrifice.</p> 268 <lb/><p><supplied reason="lost">And</supplied> if the magistrate (<foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">archon</foreign>) and the citizens do not perform the sacrifice every year, they shall be guilty in the eyes of all the <supplied reason="lost">gods</supplied>, and the magistrate shall be fined 1,000 drachmas which shall be consecrated to Zeus the Saviour, <supplied reason="lost">unless</supplied> he is <supplied reason="lost">prevented</supplied> by war from <supplied reason="lost">performing</supplied> the sacrifice.</p> 269 <lb/><p>The magistrate shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and place it in the sanctuary of Artemis in the most conspicuous place, and the resulting expense shall be charged to the city.</p> 270 <lb/> 271 <lb/><p>(translation by <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2123">Austin, <title level="m">The Hellenistic World</title></ref></bibl>, slightly modified)</p> 272 </div> 273 274 <div type="commentary" xml:lang="en" xml:space="preserve"> 275 <head>Commentary</head> 276 <lb/><p>For the identification of the honored Ptolemy with the son of Lysimachos the Diadoch, born at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC and rival of Ptolemy Keraunos for the Macedonian kingdom see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2127">Holleaux 1942</ref>, 364ff.</bibl> For his early biography see <bibl>Trog. <title level="m">Prol.</title> 24</bibl>, <bibl>Iust. 24.2.10-3.1.10</bibl>, <bibl>Porph. <title level="m">FGrHist</title> 260 F 3.10-11</bibl> (succession to the Macedonian throne); <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 25 516</bibl> (dedication of a statue of Arsinoe II by Ptolemy on his father’s behalf), <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2127">Holleaux 1942</ref>, 397-402</bibl> (dedications to Delos). This identification is accepted by most scholars since <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2122">Segre 1938</ref></bibl>, revisited the epigraphical evidence concerning Ptolemy and his family. An honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy’s friend Leimon (ca. 265-256 BC, <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2122">Segre 1938</ref>, 183</bibl>) testifies to the prominent role played at Telmessos by the former already before the mid-3rd cent. BC. Another honorary decree from Telmessos dated 220 BC testifies to the epistolary intercession of a certain Lysimachos – most likely Ptolemy’s son – for Aristeas son of Kleandros (<bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2137">Segre 1936</ref>, 359</bibl>). The so-called ‘Eriza decree’ issued by Antiochos III (<bibl>C.B. Welles, <title level="m">RC</title> 36-37</bibl>; see <bibl>Robert 1949, 5-18</bibl> for dating to 193 BC) appoints as priestess of the divine Laodike a certain Berenike, daughter of another Ptolemy son of Lysimachos, who is probably the grandson of the Ptolemy mentioned in the inscription under consideration. Most likely, the same individual is recorded by Livy among the terms of the Peace of Apameia (37.56.4-5) as former owner of an <foreign xml:lang="la">ager</foreign>, although the interpretation of the passage is controversial (see esp. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2140">Magie 1950</ref>, 763-764</bibl>; <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2144">Wörrle 1978</ref>, 221-222</bibl>; and, with good points, <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2120">Domingo Gygax 2001</ref>, 201-206</bibl>). Before Apameia, this last Ptolemy son of Lysimachos seems to have sold plots of land to the Kardakes – military colonists of Antiochos III – as can be inferred from a letter of Eumenes II (for further details see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2122">Segre 1938</ref>, 190-208</bibl>); finally, he is recorded as the dedicator of a <foreign xml:lang="grc-Latn">phiale</foreign> at Delos in 189/8 BC (<bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl1995"><title level="m">I.Délos</title></ref> 442 B 94-95</bibl>).</p> 277 <lb/><p>The decree from Telmessos shows that Ptolemy obtained (<foreign xml:lang="grc">παραλαβών</foreign>, l. 8) the city from the king Ptolemy III in 240 BC, just after the 3rd Syriac War (246-241 BC), which is possibly referred to in l. 10. The abovementioned documents testify to the pre-eminent position held by Ptolemy already in the twenty years preceding the decree and then by his family at least until his second descendant Ptolemy. The Ptolemy in this text is praised for having promoted an important fiscal reform which abolished or reduced taxes on local products. Considering that Ptolemaic fiscal policies were normally taken care of by the <foreign xml:lang="grc">διοικητής</foreign> helped by a <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὑποδιοικητής</foreign> and several local <foreign xml:lang="grc">οἰκονόμοι</foreign> (see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2142">Bagnall 1976</ref></bibl>); for the situation in Ptolemaic Lycia: <bibl><title level="m">P.Tebt.</title> 8.15-18, 29-33</bibl>; <bibl>Wörrle 1977, 43-66</bibl> and <bibl>Wörrle 2010, 359-396</bibl>), Ptolemy’s reform is characterized by a high level of autonomy, which resembles that of high Ptolemaic officials (see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2147">Savalli 1987</ref></bibl>). At the same time, Ptolemy can be compared to the Hellenistic dynasts because of the position maintained by his family at Telmessos for a long time and because he minted coins marked by his initials ΠΤ (see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2135">Hill 1923</ref></bibl>, and <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2136">Hill 1933</ref></bibl>). However, the official Ptolemaic dating form of the honorary decree makes it unlikely that the city was subject to a dynastic power independent from the Ptolemaic kingdom. Therefore, Ptolemy of Telmessos can more likely be seen as the recipient of a royal gift, i.e. a <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign>, which consists of the city itself. The holder of a <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign> formally acts like a monarch and retains strong political power in his own territory, without the king’s sovereignty being dismantled. He is also entitled to the fruits of his territory through collection of taxes, but at the same time he is compelled to send part of the income to the king (for <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign> in Ptolemaic documents see e.g. <bibl><title level="m">P.Cair.Zen.</title> 59206.61-68, 59352</bibl>; <bibl><title level="m">P.Enteuxeis</title> 60</bibl>; <bibl><title level="m">P.Rev.</title> 43.11-18</bibl>; etc., with <bibl>Criscuolo 2001</bibl>). The <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign>-hypothesis is supported by another honorary decree from Telmessos for Ptolemy II dated 282/1 BC, in which the king is praised for promising not to hand the city over as a <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign>: according to this interpretation (<bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2144">Wörrle 1978</ref></bibl>, <foreign xml:lang="la">contra</foreign> <bibl>Meadows 2012</bibl>) Ptolemy III would have simply realized a project that his predecessor Ptolemy II had set aside. When Antiochos III conquered the city in 197/6, the extension of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign> was likely reduced to the ager held by Ptolemy the grandson mentioned by Livy, while the new Syrian king exercised full sovereignty on the rest of Telmessos (see <bibl>Wörrle 1979, 83-111</bibl> for a royal letter attributed to Antiochos).</p> 278 <lb/><p>According to Ptolemy’s fiscal reform, the Telmessian citizens are granted tax exemption (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀτέλεια</foreign>) on the products of trees (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ξύλινοι καρποί</foreign>) and pasture land (this is the exact meaning of the plural <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐννόμια</foreign>, while the corresponding tax is called <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐννόμιον</foreign>; basically the reform grants the free right of pasturage, <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἐπινομία</foreign>). Then the reform introduces a change in fiscal exaction concerning grain dues (<foreign xml:lang="grc">σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα</foreign>), all kinds of pulses, millet, sesame and lupine (<foreign xml:lang="grc">ὄσπρια, κέγχρος, ἔλυμος, σήσαμον, θέρμοι</foreign>): while prior to the reform the citizens were subject to heavier taxation (this is the meaning of the expression <foreign xml:lang="grc">τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς</foreign>, l. 17), after it a normative and regular situation (<foreign xml:lang="grc">κατὰ τὸν νόμον</foreign>), which should be deemed as pre-existing, is re-established. According to this <foreign xml:lang="grc">νόμος</foreign> the citizens are expected to pay a tithe on the above mentioned foodstuffs: the payment is regulated by a procedure of measuring, which however cannot be defined better due to a mistake of the engraver (<foreign xml:lang="grc">μετροῦντας <orig>NATA</orig></foreign>, l. 18: no proposed emendation is satisfactory). Considering the two following datives in l. 19, <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">τῶ</supplied>ι τε γεωργῶι καὶ τῶι δεκατώνηι</foreign>, it can be inferred that the measurement of the tithe had to be performed in conditions of parity and frankness both for the contributor and the collector, so that nobody paid or collected more or less than the due amount. Finally Ptolemy grants the exemption on the «<quote>remaining taxes which pertain</quote>» (<foreign xml:lang="grc">τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ συγκύροντα</foreign>, l. 20) to the <foreign xml:lang="grc">σιτηρὰ ἀπόμοιρα</foreign>, i.e. on additional fees to the grain tax, which probably refer to the chaff and the forage derived from the harvest (see <bibl>Schuler 2004, 532</bibl>).</p> 279 <lb/><p>Unfortunately we know nothing about Ptolemaic taxation in Telmessos before Ptolemy’s reform. Nevertheless, we can easily affirm that royal taxes, not civic ones, are concerned in the decree, since a public praising for reduction and exemption would have otherwise been meaningless. In order to make this point clearer, an excellent comparison can be drawn with the case of Herakleia at Latmos, the citizens of which asked Antiochos III to maintain the benefits deriving from certain kinds of income – <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 37 859 B15-17, C1</bibl>: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ὅπως ὑπάρχῃ <gap reason="omitted"/> | τὰ τέλη καὶ ἔγγαια καὶ τὰ εἰσαγώγια καὶ ἐξαγώγ<supplied reason="lost">ια |</supplied><gap reason="lost" quantity="1" unit="line"/><supplied reason="lost">| πρ</supplied>ᾶσις</foreign> – and at the same time to be exempted from taxation on land products, pasturage and hives – <foreign xml:lang="la">ibid.</foreign> C4-5: <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀξιώσοντας δὲ καὶ ἀτέλειαν συγχωρῆσαι τῶν τε ἐκ τῆς γῆς καρπῶν πάν|των καὶ τοῦ ἐννομίου τῶν τε κτηνῶν καὶ τῶν σμηνῶν</foreign>: this different approach suggests indeed that the first request concerned civic taxation and the second one royal taxation (on this case, with further notes on the rest of the text, cf. <bibl>Chankowski 2007, 326-327</bibl>, and in general 322-328 for the relations between civic and royal fiscal matters in Hellenistic Asia Minor). Among the taxes mentioned in the Telmessian decree, the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπόμοιρα</foreign> and the <foreign xml:lang="grc">δεκάτη</foreign> deserve further comment. The first one is known in Ptolemaic Egypt with the name <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἕκτη</foreign> since 263 BC and with the name <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀπόμοιρα</foreign> since the so-called ‘Revenue Laws’ issued by Ptolemy II (259/8 BC). It consists of one-sixth (or exceptionally one-tenth) of the amount of the products of vineyards and gardens, allocated to the worship of the divine Arsinoe II (see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2128">Mahaffy 1939</ref></bibl>; <bibl>Préaux 1939, 171-181</bibl>; <bibl>Clarysse, Vandorpe 1998</bibl>; and <bibl>Bingen 2007, 169-170</bibl>). For further evidence of this duty see <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 12 550</bibl> (Ptolemaic Cyprus), <bibl>Robert, <title level="m">Sinuri</title> 73</bibl> (late Hecatomnid age), <bibl>Wörrle, (Wurster) 1997, 447-449</bibl> (a <foreign xml:lang="grc">σειτικὴ ἀπόμοιρα</foreign> in 2nd-cent. AD Lycia). The tithe is considered by <bibl>[Arist.] <title level="m">Oec.</title> 1345b 28 ff.</bibl> as the most important source of income in satrapal economy and is attested in several documents during the period of the Hellenistic kingdoms; as <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl0041"><title level="j">SEG</title></ref> 36 1216</bibl> shows, it was exacted in Lycia during the Hecatomnid age. The fact that Ptolemy did not abolish the tithe suggests that it was the part of the whole income of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign> owed to the king. For a hypothesis regarding the continuity from Achaemenid to Hellenistic fees in Asia Minor see <bibl>Corsaro 1985, 84-85</bibl>.</p> 280 <lb/><p>In my opinion the very reason for the economic breakdown of Telmessos was the war preceding the institution of the <foreign xml:lang="grc">δωρεά</foreign>. In the text of the decree the fiscal reform is strongly connected to the desperate situation in which Ptolemy obtained the city as a gift (ll. 9-13, with the excellent integrations <foreign xml:lang="grc">κακῶς <supplied reason="lost">διακει</supplied>μένην</foreign> and <foreign xml:lang="grc"><supplied reason="lost">θλιβο</supplied>μένους</foreign>), and ll. 33-35 show that the people of Telmessos deeply felt war as an impending threat over their community. Since there is no evidence of battles in the vicinity of Telmessos during the 3rd Syriac War, it is worth considering that by virtue of its fertility the city may have been exploited as a supply center for the Ptolemaic army, or even – we may carefully suggest – destined to the quartering of the troops (or the stationing of the fleet: it should be remembered, indeed, that the city enjoyed a favorable geographical position and was endowed with a good harbor; see <bibl>Wörrle 1980, 63-72</bibl>). Moreover, there is evidence that a Hellenistic king, most likely Antiochos III, granted Telmessos the <foreign xml:lang="grc">ἀνεπισταθμεία</foreign> (<bibl>Wörrle 1979, 83-111</bibl>; see also above), i.e. the exemption from the duty of billeting, which suggests that previously the city could actually have been exploited for this purpose. Not only is such a context (exploitation of Telmessian products for the supply of the army, possible billeting) fully coherent with the state of deep distress in which the city was found by Ptolemy, but it would explain well why the fiscal reform concerns only foodstuffs and pasturage and why it restores a normative situation for the exaction of the tithe (ll. 17-19). During wartime the regular tax exaction could have turned into a roughly irregular and heavier collection due to the emergency of the moment. The expression <foreign xml:lang="grc">πρό|<supplied reason="lost">τε</supplied>ρον τελωνουμένους σκληρῶς</foreign> reveals that it was perceived as oppressive and almost unlawful. The lack of control on collection possibly led to abuses (cf. <bibl><ref target="GEIBibl/#bibl2120">Domingo Gygax 2001</ref></bibl>, 182): hence the necessity to re-establish the correct procedure of exaction for the tithe at ll. 17-19. In general, for the impact of war on agriculture and, more specifically, of troop-billeting on Hellenistic communities, see <bibl>Chaniotis 2008, 121-129</bibl>, with discussion of relevant cases and bibliography. If this reconstruction is true, it is possible to affirm that the main purpose of Ptolemy’s economic reform was actually the post-war recovery of the city.</p> 281 <lb/> 282 <lb/> 283 <lb/><p>Austin, M.M. (1981), <title level="m">The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman conquest. A selection of ancient sources in translation</title>, Cambridge; 2nd augmented edition, Cambridge 2006</p> 284 <lb/><p>Bagnall, R.S. (1976), <title level="m">The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt</title>, Leiden</p> 285 <lb/><p>Behrwald, R. (2000), <title level="m">Der Lykische Bund. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Verfassung</title>, Bonn </p> 286 <lb/><p>Bengtson, H. 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Ptolemaios I. und Limyra', <title>Chiron</title> 7, 43-66</p> 339 <lb/><p>Wörrle, M. (1978), ‘Epigraphische Forschungen zur Geschichte Lykiens II. Ptolemaios II. und Telmessos’, <title>Chiron</title> 8, 201-246</p> 340 <lb/><p>Wörrle, M. (1979), 'Epigraphische Forschungen zur Geschichte Lykiens III. Ein hellenistischer Königsbrief aus Telmessos', <title>Chiron</title> 9, 83-111</p> 341 <lb/><p>Wörrle, M. (1980), 'Telmessos in hellenistischer Zeit', in <title level="m">Actes du colloque sur la Lycie antique, Instanbul 1977</title>, Paris, 63-72</p> 342 <lb/><p>Wörrle, M. (2010), 'Epigraphische Forschungen zur Geschichte Lykiens VIII. Ein ptolemäisches Prostagma aus Limyra über Mißstände beim Steuereinzug', <title>Chiron</title> 40, 359-396</p> 343 <lb/><p>Wörrle, M. (and Wurster W.W.) (1997), 'Dereköy: Eine befestigte Siedlung im nordwestlichen Lykien und die Reform ihres dörflichen Zeuskultes', <title>Chiron</title> 27, 447-449</p> 344 </div> 345 346 <div type="commentary" xml:lang="en"> 347 <head>Author</head> 348 <p> Marco Santini</p> 349 </div> 350 351 <div type="commentary" xml:lang="en"> 352 <head>Last update</head> 353 <p> January 2017</p> 354 </div> 355 356 <div type="commentary" xml:lang="en"> 357 <head>DOI</head> 358 <p> 10.25429/sns.it/lettere/GEI037</p> 359 </div> 360 361 362 </body> 363 </text> 364</TEI>